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GEN. NATHANIEL LYON 



GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 



AND 



MISSOURI IN 1861. 



A MONOGRAPH OF THE GREAT REBELLION, 



BY 



JAMES PECKHAM, 

n 

FORMERLY LT.-COL. 8th INFANTRY, MO. VOLS. 




NEW YORK: 

AMERICAN NEWS COMPANY, PUBLISHERS 
119 & 121 Nassau Street. 

1866. 






Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 18C6, by 
JAMES PECKHAM, 
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for the Southern 
District of New York. 



PRESS OF WYNKOOP & HALLENBECK, 
No. 113 Fulton Street, N. Y. 



THIS MEMORIAL 

or 
THE HEEOIC ACTIONS J^NJD DEATH 

OP 

NATHANIEL LYON 

IS MOST RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED TO 

CHARLES M. ELLEARD, Esq., 

ONE OF HIS EARLY AND STEADFAST FRIENDS, 



THE AUTHOR. 



PREFACE 



I submit this volume to the considerate attention of my 
countrymen. It is published in order that those who succeed 
us may know how the men of this generation regarded Truth, 
and the attitude they assumed in its fearful struggle with 
Error. No period has been fraught with more momentous 
interests to humanity than this in which we are living. And 
no man ever more generously sacrificed himself in the mainte- 
nance of Right, or exhibited more religious deference to Jus- 
tice, or a more gallant soldiership for Truth, than Nathaniel 
Lyon. No man ever sustained himself with greater nobility of 
personal deportment. The story of this hero and patriot will 
stimulate Age to regard patriotism with pious tenacity in the 
council, and Youth, in the spirit of real chivalry, to buckle on 
impervious armor for its defense in the field. In unfolding the 
stupendous drama of the time, the different characters neces- 
sary to the plot must find deliberate portrayal, and it is to the 
greater grandeur of the central figure that it is not obscured by 
such frequent mention of others. By Americans everywhere, 
but more especially Iry Missourians, the beautiful character of 
this son of Connecticut will be spoken of with pride, and 
treasured with reverence, while memory shall remain an attri- 
bute of man. 



INTRODUCTION. 



I860. 



The political contest in Missouri, in 1860, was between 
those who yielded unqualified obedience to the slave- 
power, and those who longed for relief from the imposi- 
tions of the oligarchy. There were in the Democratic 
party leaders with sufficient influence to induce the 
party itself to espouse the cause of Douglas ; but the 
selection for governor fell upon one of the most virulent 
milliners who had hounded the great Benton to his 
grave. Without the possession of more than ordinary 
sagacity, those leaders saw that the majority of the 
people, while tolerant toward slavery, were yet averse 
to secession, and, as Douglas was looked upon as a 
middle-man, they adopted the cheat of carryiDg into the 
gubernatorial chair, under his banner, one in whom they 
felt they could trust the interests of the South, in any 
emergency that might arise. 

The results of the canvass in 1856 had awakened in 
the slaveholders gloomy apprehensions as to the security 
of the "institution." That there should have been 
found in Missouri such a numerous body of citizens, 
forming almost a majority, arrayed against the "time- 



Vlll. INTRODUCTION. 

honored party," in whose bosom slavery found the neces- 
sary aid and comfort, struck the oligarchy with fear and 
astonishment. Under the circumstances, (the national 
canvass of 1856,) a position against the Democracy in 
1860 indicated alliance with the " Free-soilers." The 
vote for Rollins, for Governor, in 1857, caused the tocsin 
of alarm to be sounded, and slavery, aroused to action, 
mustered into its service those fiercer passions of human 
nature, which subjugate the finer sensibilities, and tend 
to degrade the civilized man. 

In 1860, the slaveholder determined to profit by expe- 
rience. The bitter hate and the opprobrious epithets, 
which, in the old time, had been hurled against the 
far-off Garrisonian abolitionists, were launched with 
renewed force against any freeman who dared to differ 
from the Democracy. The support of Douglas was con- 
sidered a sufficient concession to those who were afflicted 
with the possession of conscience ; and when the obtuse 
voter failed to discover a satisfactory principle under the 
new guise, he was too often cowed down by a studied 
ruffianism, and if still persistent in his opposition, it was 
only to serve the pro-slavery policy from the Bell-Everett 
platform. While they opposed the Democracy, which 
they claimed to do as an organization, the Bell-Everetts 
were as bitter against the Republicans as were the slave- 
drivers themselves, making the extent of their abuse the 
measure of their apology for their points of difference 
from the oligarchy. 

But in the whole State there were some twenty thou- 
sand Republicans, who were not to be deterred from the 



INTRODUCTION. ix. 

performance of their duty by any threat, not to be dis- 
mayed by the appearance of any danger. Only in St. 
Louis, however, did they maintain any kind of an organ- 
ization, but in that city they were not only splendidly 
organized, but presented a very formidable front. It 
may have been that, by reason of three parties being in 
the field in each canvass, they generally held possession 
of a majority of the city and county offices ; but there 
were wards in the city, where opposition to them was 
useless. In 1858 and 1859, Republican meetings were 
invariably disturbed by the partisans of slavery, who, 
from their hiding-places in the dark, frequently hurled 
missiles at the speakers, or rent the air with noisy excla- 
mations of passionate hate or gross obscenity. 

The leading spirit and chief adviser of the Republicans 
in 1860 and 1861 was Frank Preston Blair, Jr., who, 
in the canvass of 1856, had whispered the magic word, 
Emancipation. No history of Missouri in the moment- 
ous crisis of 1861 can possibly be complete without 
having that name stamped upon its pages in characters 
of splendid coloring. Himself a Southerner, and a slave- 
holder, the stereotyped cry of " Yankee prejudice," 
" New England education," and " Nigger equality " 
could not be raised against him in efforts to intensify pas- 
sion and excite hate. His own personal courage and 
coolness, silenced the pretensions of the insolent, and 
forced opponents from the employment of abuse into the 
arena of debate, and there, before his exhaustive argu 
ments and array of facts, the mailed squires of slavery 

were speedily unhorsed. Even in his personal inter- 
1* 



X. INTRODUCTION. 

course with opposing partisans, in whose breasts were 
lurking the twin passions of hate and fear, he exhibited 
not only the courteousness of an affable gentleman, but 
an equanimity of temperament and apparent forgetful- 
ness really wonderful. The antagonist who expected at 
the first meeting a rupture, because of bitter attacks 
made upon Mr. Blair in recent speeches, was surprised, in 
passing, at the placid countenance and nonchalance of 
manner of his political foe. This power over self, made 
Mr. Blair powerful with others. Serving a great cause 
in the interests of humanity, warring against an institu- 
tion deep-seated in the hearts and purposes of a powerful 
class, he knew exactly the work before him, and the 
depths he would necessarily stir into fermentation. He 
made it his purpose to disregard passion, to answer 
declamation with argument, and to act in self -defense 
against ruffianly attack. His example was infused into 
his partisans. The effect was visible in the rapidly 
increasing growth of the Republican brotherhood and 
the permanent radiancy of the Republican idea. 

Previous to 1860, the element which, in that year, 
formed the "Republican Party," was known in St. 
Louis as the " Free Democratic Party," but it was de- 
termined, in the winter of 1860 and 1861, that the name 
" Republican " should be adopted, and the party identify 
itself with the great anti-slavery party of the north. It 
was determined in a council of leaders, composed princi- 
pally of O. D. Filley, John How,B. Gratz Brown, H. B. 
Branch, James O. Broadhead, Samuel T. Glover, Henry 
Boernstein, Charles L. Bernays, J. B. Gardenhire, Carl 



INTRODUCTION. XI. 

Daenzer, Allen P. Richardson, Ben. Farrar, Barton 
Able, Charles M. Elleard, James Castello, R. J. Howard, 
P. T. McSherry, Henry T. Blow, Alexis Mudd, Franklin 
A. Dick, Bernard Poepping, Wm. Doench, John H. 
Fisse, John O. Sitton, John M. Richardson — men repre- 
senting different sections of the State, and who agreed 
with Mr. Blair — who corresponded from Washington 
City freely with his friends — that a State convention 
should be called, to meet in St. Louis, for the purpose of 
selecting delegates to attend the Chicago National Con- 
vention, and perfecting a State organization of the 
Republican party in Missouri. 

The first convention of men in Missouri who were 
determined to take public position with the anti-slavery 
element of the North met, in obedience to a call which 
originated with the above gentlemen, in the small hall 
of the Mercantile Library building, on Saturday, May 
10, 1860, and organized by choosing B. Gratz Brown, 
Chairman, and N. T. Doane, J. K. Kidd, Theophile 
Papin, and Charles Borg, Secretaries. In all the 
speeches and resolutions, there breathed nothing but 
the spirit of genuine freedom, and there was inaugu- 
rated an open and relentless warfare upon the project 
of slavery extension. Delegates to Chicago were chosen, 
and instructed to present the name of Edward Bates 
as the first choice of Missouri for the presidency of the 
Union. 

Upon the return of the delegation from Chicago, a 
mass meeting of Republicans was held, at the south end 
of Lucas Market, to ratify the nomination of Mr. Lincoln. 



Xll. INTRODUCTION. 

Mr. Blair* while speaking was frequently interrupted 
by yells and blasphemies from political opponents, but 
his successors upon the platform met with severer treat- 
ment. Some were hit by stones, others completely inter- 
rupted by gangs of rowdies, who rushed wildly through the 
crowd, causing indescribable commotion. Several fights 
occurred, in which several of the rioters were severely 
worsted, the meeting finally breaking up in a grand row. 
These scenes were terribly suggestive to some persons 
who Avere present, and resulted in an organization, which, 
in ability for self-defense, in thorough system and perfect 
understanding and purpose among members, has never 
been surpassed by any political club in America. 

Thus originated the celebrated club of "St. Louis Wide 
Awahes" When the summer canvass of 18G0 opened, 
the Republicans were assured of complete protection 

* I introduce the following, in order that the reader may know some little of 
the personal history of one who was not only the trusted guide, counselor, 
and friend of General Lyon, but also one to whom Missouri owes her main- 
tenance in the civil ranks of the Union as a loyal State. The interest that 
among the loyal will always attach to a gallant soldier and patriot demands 
this brief introduction of the past of Frank P. Blair. 

[extract.] 

"The life of Mr. Blair has shown that he is possessed of all the energies 
which go to make up a thorough business jnan. He comes from the best 
stock, being the third son of Hon. Francis P. Blair, of Washington. Frank 
P., Jr., is forty-one years of age, having been born in 1821. He graduated at 
Princeton College, in 1841, and entered upon the practice of law in St. Louis. 
In 1815 he made a journey to the Rocky Mountains for his health, and upon the 
opening of the Mexican War he joined the army as a private, and served until 
1847, when he returned to St. Louis. In 1848 he joined heartily in the free-soil 
movement, and made a strong speech against the extension of slavery into the 
Territories. In 1852, he was elected to the Missouri Legislature as a free-soiler, 
and was re-elected in 1854. In 1*56, he was elected to Congress, where he has 
distinguished himself by his bold, active labors. 

"Mr. Blair has been foremost in the work of sustaining the Government. 
To stand up as he has done, year after year, in a slave State, and preach free 
doctrines, was no light task, and to the honor of that he has now added his 
labor as a Federal officer in the volunteer service. Heeding not the fulmina- 
tions of the rebel government of his State, but offering his life, if need be, in 
defense of his country's flag, he has done much to strengthen the Union feel- 
ing in the State, and to counteract the evil influence of the treacherous 
Executive."— Cleveland Leader, 18(31. 



INTRODUCTION. Xlll. 

at all their public gatherings. From their headquarters, 
(furnished gratis by a devoted friend, August Loehner, 
Esq.,) on the southeast corner of Seventh and Chestnut 
streets, the Wide Aioakes marched in procession to the 
places of appointed political gatherings, and while the 
meeting continued, (if at night,) each man, with a lighted 
lamp placed securely on the end of a heavy stick, sta- 
tioned himself on the outside of the assembled crowd, 
thus depriving ruffianly opponents of their hiding-places 
in the dark. At the first two meetings which the Wide 
AwaJces thus attended, the enemy, not understanding the 
purposes of the club, began their usual serenade of yells 
and cheers, but they were speedily initiated into the 
mysteries of the new order ; which initiation consisted 
in being besmeared with burning camphene, and vigor- 
ously beaten with leaded sticks. The least sign of dis- 
orderly conduct was the signal for an assault upon the 
offender, and if he escaped unmanned he was lucky in- 
deed. As the Republicans never disturbed the meetings 
of their adversaries, they determined to enjoy quietly 
their own, and this coming to be understood, there be- 
gan to be perfect freedom of speech. Public meetings 
in St. Louis were now more orderly than in any other 
city in the Union. 

It will be seen that this club of Wide Awakes was the 
basis of a military strength, which in the following year 
gave prompt response to the call of President Lincoln ; 
and even earlier than that call, not only saved the arse- 
nal, but maintained the cause oi freedom and union at 
the February polls. 



XIV. INTRODUCTION. 

The Democracy — both wings — also had their clubs; 
the " Douglas Club," " Constitutional Guards," " Broom 
Rangers," &c. The latter organization, in the Douglas 
interest, was the most effective of any on that side, and 
adopted the plan of the Wide Awakes in marching with 
lighted lamps to places of public meeting. The several 
clubs named, during the summer and fall campaigns of 
1 860, were upon the street every night (Sundays only 
excepted) for three weeks previous to the election day, 
and during the whole time, such were the admirable 
arrangements of their leaders, never once collided. But 
the Wide iAwaJces did not escape insult from bitter par- 
tisans on the sidewalks. Once only were they assailed 
with more than words, and on that occasion some 
rowdies threw stones into the Wide AicaJce procession, 
as it was returning to their headquarters from a public 
meeting. The latter chased their opponents to the Ber- 
thold mansion, on the corner of Fifth and Pine streets, 
the head quarters of the Douglasites. A brisk shower- 
ing of stones soon demolished several windows of the 
building, and consequences still more serious would have 
ensued, had it not been for the personal efforts of J. 
Richard Barrett (the Democratic candidate for Congress) 
on the one side, and Charles M. Elleard, Esq., on the 
other, both of whom labored diligently to quiet the 
excited partisans. 

In St. Louis, in the summer canvass of 1860, Mr. Blair 
was the Republican candidate for Congress, Mr. Albert 
Todd the Bell-Everett, and J. Richard Barrett the Dem- 
ocratic, both wings. There was also an election to fill a 



INTRODUCTION. XV. 

vacancy occasioned by the resignation of Mr. Blair, who 
had obtained a seat in the then Congress, by a vote of 
the House of Representatives ousting Mr. Barrett. Mr. 
Blair was defeated for the short term by a combination 
of causes, the principal of which were, first, a coalition 
between the Bell-Everetts and the Democrats, and sec- 
ondly, a fraud in the circulation of a bogus ticket, which 
declared for Blair " for Congress," but did not state " to 
fill vacancy." Enough of such tickets were thrown out, 
which, if they had been counted, would have elected Mr. 
Blair. The latter was successful for the long term, by a 
large vote. 

In that canvass the question of union and disunion 
was fully discussed and understood. While the Brecken- 
ridge wing of the Missouri Democracy made but a feeble 
public show, the majority of those who had places upon 
the ticket were known to be warm friends of the South- 
ern cause. The difference in the attitude of the two 
wings of the Democracy was simply this : The Breck- 
enridgers desired the election of Mr. Lincoln as a means 
of breaking up the union of the States ; the Douglasites, 
boasting of political power in that union, maintained that 
it was their interest to remain there so long as they 
held such power, but they agreed with the Brecken- 
ridge men that, when that power passed away, the neces- 
sity for a dissolution would become immediate. I assert, 
without fear of contradiction, that there was not a single 
Democrat who remained with the party in 1860, who 
declared for unconditional unionism ; and I assert with 
equal confidence that there was not a speaker who 



Xvi. INTRODUCTION. 

•addressed the people from Democratic platforms in that 
canvass who did not encourage conditional secession. 
There was not a speaker in the Democratic party who 
did not add to secession tendencies by the most vulgar 
and inflammatory orations against the Republicans, while 
many declared themselves for the South. Some few of 
those men have since atoned for their fatal teachings by 
grasping Union muskets in the Federal army, while many 
others, warmed into repentance by the sheen of North- 
ern guns, have further illustrated the temper and spirit 
of the apostate, in frothy declamation and bitter invective 
against the thoughtless youths whom they had led astray. 
The Bell-Everetts were as abusive as the Democracy. 

But while in St. Louis, under " Wide Awake " protec- 
tion and Blair example, the Republicans enjoyed com- 
parative security, it was vastly different in every other 
place in the State. Mr. Blair and Judge William V. N. 
Bay arranged to speak at Ironton upon the topics of the 
day, but in order to secure them protection against mur- 
derous assault, some three hundred Wide Awakes 
accompanied them by special train of cars, engaged for 
the occasion. The slaveocracy attended the meeting 
with a predetermination to break it up, but they 
were so largely outnumbered that they acknowledged 
themselves flanked, and most of them dispersed, mutter 
ing in suppressed tones curses upon the "Abolitionists." 
Samuel T. Glover, one of the most finished orators in the 
State, appointed with Mr. Blair to speak at Hannibal, 
but no Wide Awakes were there to protect them, and they 
were effectually interrupted by the opposition. Missiles 



INTRODUCTION. XV11. 

hurled at the speakers broke up the meeting. No other 
efforts were made to canvass the State. The opposition 
had it all their own way, 

Even as early as 1860, organized persecution drove 
many " plain-speaking " people from their homes, and 
cowed down others less self-sacrificing. Any appeal to the 
courts for protection, any hope of assistance from neigh- 
bors, were useless. In many instances Democratic post- 
masters refused to deliver anti-Democratic newspapers 
sent through the mails, and complaints forwarded to 
Washington, or published in the public prints, were un- 
heeded. The success of Mr. Lincoln drove the oligarchy 
to desperation, and the great majority of the people, just 
from the teachings of the hustings, were inclined to 
sympathize with the cause of slavery, against that " sec- 
tional party, against which the South is almost in arms 
in self-defense," * and which they were taught to believe 
to be " the author of unimaginable ills." 

During the canvass, Claiborne F. Jackson and Thomas 
C. Reynolds, the Douglas candidates for Governor and 
Lieutenant-Governor, pretended to some little affection for 
the American Union ; and even after the election, Jackson, 
in a speech at Boonville, deluded many into the belief 
that he was averse to secession. But his profession of 
loyalty was merely a pretense. Events prove that he 
was cordially in the interests of the South, even before 
his inauguration as Governor, and that he was ready to 
throw off all disguise the very moment it should be safe 
and proper to do so. 

* Charles D. Drake at the Court-house in St. Louis. 1860 



[note.] 

In order that the reader may know the actual result at the 
polls, in 1860, I give the following : 

IN THE STATE. 



Douglas 58,361 

Bell 57,762 

Lincoln 17,017 

Breckenridge 30,297 



C. F. Jackson 73,372 

Orr 65,991 

G-ardenhire 6,124 

H. Jackson.. 11,091 



IN ST. LOUIS COUNTY. 

For Congress (long term). 

Blair.... 11,453. Barrett 9,967. Todd.. .4,542. 

The following Democratic officers were elected in St. Louis 
county, by the assistance of Bell-Everett votes : 

County Marshal, County Recorder, County Jailer, County 
Coroner; and Barrett was placed, for the short term, so near 
Blair in the count, that a small fraud was sufficient to secure for 
the former the certificate of election. 

The Republicans elected the Congressman for the First Dis- 
trict, County Sheriff, County School Commissioner, and the 
entire Legislative delegation (one Senator and twelve Repre- 
sentatives). 



umttv 



GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 



MISSOURI IN 1861 



BOOK I. 

SUMTER. 

CONTENTS— Meeting of the Missouri Legislature— The Inaugural- 
Commissioner D. R. Russell, op Mississippi— Measures to subvert Loy- 
alty — The Sub-Committee— The Chief Conspirator— Secession in the 
Interior— Secession in St. Louis — The Minute-Men— The Union Guard 
— Appointment of the Union Safety Committee — Arming of the Union 
Guard— Union Contributions — Where the Money came from— Plans 
of the Secessionists— The St . Louis Arsenal — The Catholic Bells — 
Removal of Government Funds — Political Parties in January, 1861 — 
Political Movements— Claib Jackson loses much Powder— Prepara- 
tions to Capture the Arsenal — Thorough Union Organization— Dark 
Days— Arrival of Captain Lyon at the Arsenal— Early Life and 
Career of Lyon — Lyon and Blair — Lyon and the Safety Committee — 
Review of Lyon's Character — Lyon and the Stars and Stripes — A 
Hungarian Legend — Lyon at the Arsenal — Lyon in Command of the 
Arsenal Defenses— He is Thwarted by Hagner— Lyon to Blair, upon 
Surrenders by Officers — The Leavenworth Order revoked — The 
Arsenal to be saved— Secesh Signals Understood — Trick of the Se- 
cesh — Rumors — Lyon among Union Men — The Policy of Blair and the 
Safety Committee — Excitement over the Rebel Flag — The February 
Canvass— Appointment of Peace Commissioners — Governor Jackson 
Refuses to Commission a Loyal Officer— Scenes in Jefferson City in 
February — Captain Lyon on the alert — He is Prudent and Politic— 
The Powder purchased by Jackson— Hagner shall not Surrender— 
The Municipal Election of April— The Police Commissioners— Elec- 
tion of Chief — The Commission find out Lyon— The Catastrophe. 



MEETING OF THE MISSOURI LEGISLATURE. 

The State Legislature met on the 31st of December, 
1860, effected a temporary organization, and adjourned 



22 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

to the 2d of January. On that day, an election for per- 
manent officers was held in the " House," and the sue- 
cessful candidates were entirely of the secession mould. 
Speaker McAfee was an undisguised secessionist Al- 
though the Speaker pro tern. (Mcllhenny) had voted for 
Bell for President, he was but a pliant tool in the hands 
of the rebels. Clerk of the House, Murray, and Secre- 
tary of the Senate, Hough, were sincere secessionists, 
and served during the civil war in the rebel ranks. 
The vote for Speaker stood thus: McAfee, 76; M. 
Boyd (Bell-Everett), 43 ; Thomas L. Price (Douglas), 
4; Heyer (secesh), 1. On the morning of the 3d, the 
Lieut.-Governor issued a private circular, which was 
placed on the desks of certain Senators, inviting to his 
room all those Senators who were in hearty sympathy 
with " our Southern brethren," and who were " firmly 
determined to see our sister States secure their rights," 
for the purpose of making up the Senate committees. 
Of all the officers and clerks of both branches of the 
Legislature, I know of but one who was not an avowed 
secessionist. 



THE INAUGURAL. 

The inaugural of Claib Jackson was thoroughly in the 
interests of the rebellious States. He proclaimed with 
marked emphasis, that " Missouri and Kentucky should 
stand by the South, and preserve her equilibrium." This 
declaration was greeted with prolonged applause by 
both members and lobbyites who favored secession. It 
was in sad contrast to the loyal message which the 
Legislature had previously received from the retiring 
Governor, R. M. Stewart, and taught the few Union 
men in either branch that they were surrounded by 
dangers they had little anticipated. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 23 

COMMISSIONER D. R. RUSSELL, OF MISSISSIPPI. 

Upon their arrival in Jefferson City, members found 
already there Mr. D. R. Russell, who presented himself 
as the " Commissioner from the State of Mississippi to 
the State Government of Missouri." He was received in 
great style by Governor, Lieut. -Governor, and secession- 
ists generally, and the Legislature, by joint action, resolved 
to receive him in joint session. I shall never forget the 
night when the Missouri Legislature, in solemn form, 
tendered its homage to this envoy of the rebellion. It 
was about seven o'clock in the evening, in early Janu- 
ary, 1861, and every jet in the great chandelier in the 
Hall of Representatives was lighted. The Door-keeper 
interrupted the proceedings of the " House," by announc- 
ing, "The President and members of the Senate." Rey- 
nolds marched down the aisle followed by the Senators, 
the latter seeking the chairs assigned for them by the Ser- 
geant-at-Arms. Reynolds occupied the Speaker's chair, 
and in an affected voice said : " The Legislature of Mis- 
souri is now in joint session, according to resolution pre- 
viously passed by both Houses, in order to receive the 
Hon. D. R. Russell, Commissioner from the State of 
Mississipjri." A committee appointed to escort Mr. Rus- 
sell within the bar of the joint session retired for ttat 
purpose, and Reynolds issued his instructions. The 
members were requested to arise when Mr. Russell en- 
tered, and when the latter should be introduced by the 
President of the joint session, members should exhibit 
their breeding by a courteous bow. Up sprang Steven- 
son, of St. Louis (Republican) : 

" Mr. President , are we the slaves of some foreign 
potentate ? " 

Reynolds replied that he intended his suggestions 
merely as an act of courtesy ; but Stevenson, interrupting 
him, exclaimed : 



24 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

" He is no American who will bow his head in homage 
to a traitor." 

Some little sensation was produced by this episode, 
but it had little influence upon the majority. With very 
few exceptions the members did rise, and bowed their 
heads at the given signal. Russell then proceeded with 
% lengthy speech, full of the blackest treason. 

MEASURES TO SUBVERT LOYALTY. 

The Legislature was no sooner organized and the com- 
mittees arranged than the conspirators set to work to carry 
out their schemes. A meeting, for consultation, of leading 
secessionists, was held in a basement room of the capitol, 
and it was decided that St. Louis should be placed com- 
pletely under the control of the State authorities. In 
talking of the comparative fighting strength of parties 
in St. Louis, it was decided that " Frank Blair could easily 
be cleaned out " by the chivalry, as he had nothing but 
" blue-bellied Yankees and beer-drinking Dutch " to 
assist him in case of a fight. But they could not conceal 
their fears over a remark made by Mr. Blair in St. Louis, 
at a serenade, to the effect that " every traitor should be 
taught the strength of Missouri hemp," and that " St. 
Louis should secede from Missouri if the latter should 
secede from the Union." The course of the conspirators 
showed very plainly they did not regard these as idle 
words. 

The process of prostrating Missouri at the feet of the 
disunionists was begun in the Missouri Senate by 
Monroe Parsons, who introduced the celebrated military 
bill on the 5th of January. This bill contained a clause 
appropriating $150,000 to enable the Governor to enforce 
its provisions. It placed the entire control of the popu- 
lation of the State in the hands of the Governor, and 
prescribed penalties, including death, to be inflicted by 



AND MISSOURI IX 18(31. 25 

sentence of drum-head courts-martial, for even the utter- 
ance of disrespectful words toward the Governor or the 
Legislature. It prohibited the freedom of utterance as 
well as the freedom of action, and relieved the people of 
their superior allegiance to the national Government. 
By obstinate parliamentary fighting, the session ad- 
journed without adopting this iniquity. The bill was 
more devilish than Wentworth's "thorough." 

On the 5th, also, T. C. Johnson, of St. Louis, introduced 
in the Senate " An Act to amend an Act for the Suppres- 
sion of Riot in St. Louis City and County." This bill 
took out of the hands of the Mayor and Sheriff the power 
to suppress mobs, and placed it in the hands of the 
Governor and the agents he was authorized to appoint. 

In the " House," on the 7th, Mr. Ballou moved to sus- 
pend the rules in order to take up the St. Louis Police 
bill, which had already passed the Senate. The motion 
was sustained by a vote of 52 ayes to 19 noes. The 
bill became a law, after having been returned to the 
Senate with some slight amendments, by the signature 
of the Governor on the night of the 14th of January, 
and on the same night, such was the haste of the conspir- 
ators, Matthias Steitz and James George were appointed 
commissioners under its provisions. However, these 
appointments were not sent to the Senate, and further 
action was delayed. 

On the 9th, Vest, of Cooper county, introduced the 
Convention bill, which was intended to take the State 
out of the Union, but which was amended by declaring 
that any decision of the Convention, determining the 
relations of Missouri toward the Union, should be sub- 
mitted to the people for their sanction, and thus passed. 
The timidity of some of the Southern party led them to 
shrink for the present from any overt act. They did 
not feel altogether secure, and, in hopes of maintaining a 
2 



2G .GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

solid front, the more fiery and desperate finally yielded. 
The next scheme was to secure a secession organ in 
St. Louis, and for this purpose a bill was passed, forcing 
into the office of M. Neidner, the publisher of the State 
Journal, the advertising of every legal notice in St. 
Louis county. When a St. Louis member declared that 
this bill made loyal men pay money for the support of a 
disloyal paper, a secesh member cried out in reply, 
* Damn lucky if he gets off that cheap." 

A bill was also introduced to deprive Carondelet of 
its city charter, and substitute therefor a " Board of 
Trustees," to be appointed by the Governor. This 
attempted outrage was so gross that the more reasonable 
and politic urged its withdrawal. These and other kin- 
dred measures were resorted to to force Missouri into 
line with the rebellion. 

THE SUB-COMMITTEE. 

As in the above measures the majority exhibited their 
fears of St. Louis county, so in the following they exhib- 
ited their hate toward its people individually. By an 
arrangement with prominent St. Louis secessionists, 
twelve members of the House and six of the Senate 
were selected as a special sub-committee upon St. Louis 
matters. In affairs of any moment bills were always 
referred to a special committee, and it was noticeable 
that on such special committees only one certain man of 
the entire delegation from St. Louis county was ever 
placed. As that man had deserted the party which elected 
him, and was in full communion with the conspira- 
tors, this method of dealing with St. Louis measures 
awoke the suspicion of the writer (who was a member 
from St Louis), and caused him to ferret out the secret, 
which resulted in a discovery of the above. In a session 
of the House, on a motion to refer the Carondelet bill to 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 27 

a special committee, lie exposed the trick, and a terrible 
excitement ensued. Several of the " sub-committee " 
denied any knowledge of, and all belief in, such a thing ; 
but Vest, more truthful and with admirable; candor, 
acknowledged the whole arrangement and his own 
membership on that committee, and earnestly expressed 
the hope it would continue until St. Louis was purged 
of Black Rejmblicanism. Results very serious threatened 
to follow — a dozen seeking the floor at once — when 
Riley, of Wright county, being recognized by the 
Speaker, made a lengthy and exceedingly humorous 
speech, purposely void of any sense, which all enjoyed, 
and at its conclusion the Carondelet bill and " sub-com- 
mittee " were willingly ignored. 

THE CHIEF CONSPIRATOR. 

The leading spirit of the secession cause in Missouri, in 
1861, was the Lieut.-Governor, Thomas C. Reynolds,* a 
short, chubby fellow of forty, with black hair and beard 
and eyes, and black moustache and dark skin. Gan- 
grened with conceit, he seemed to take especial pleasure 
in boasting of South Carolina origin and the aristocracy 
of Palmettodom. He was a cultivated scholar and a 
fluent speaker, and had for years been Clerk of the United 
States Court at St. Louis. Reynolds had canvassed the 
whole question at issue between the traitors and the 
Government, and he was frank enough to confess that at 
one time, in the event of civil war, he had thought the 
odds were in favor of the North. But lo ! presto ! 
Searching through some old, worn-out tomes, he had 
reached the treaty of cession of the Louisiana Territory, 

* Thomas C. Reinhold (or Reynolds), the present Lieut.-Governor of Missouri, 
is a German by birth. He was born in Prague ; his parents emigrated early 
to this country. He is a Jew. [Wash. Cor Phila. Press, February, 1S61 ] 

In his speech on the 8th of January, 1861, Reynolds declared himself South 
Carolina born. 



28 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

and there, as he read it, the Avhole question lay in a nut- 
shell. " The Louisiana Territory belonged to the United 
States only so long as the United States should continue 
to hold it (!) ; when the United States should part with 
it, the treaty became null and void. An act of secession 
by the people of Missouri would authorize France to 
step in and claim her own. France thus identified with 
the rebellion, the rebellion was sure of success." 

Happy Reynolds ! All of half an hour did he consume, 
on the afternoon of January 8, 1861, exclusively ex- 
plaining this new feature of the secession case to his 
delighted and deluded followers. Visions of French 
knighthood, and himself gyrating as a French nobleman 
around Versailles or the Tuileries, must have been 
dazzling his imagination at the time. But Mr. Reynolds 
is no French nabob, probably because France did not 
interfere in his behalf. 

Really, the energy of this man was wonderful. Under 
his inspiring counsel, the work of secesh organization 
was pushed rapidly forward. Committees were organ- 
ized and kept constantly at work, carrying on extensive 
correspondence, selecting reliable agents in every county, 
devising expedients to advance his purposes, drafting 
bills subsidiary to his plans. By means of the Jfilitary 
bill, he anticipated such a complete organization of the 
State as would make it a powerful auxiliary to the 
Southern cause. He carried on a complete system of 
signals with the Southern leaders, and received with the 
most extreme pomposity the rebel emissaries whom the 
Gulf States forwarded to Missouri, to seduce her from her 
allegiance to the Union. 

SECESSION IN THE INTERIOR. 

Throughout the State everything encouraged the con- 
spirators. The secessionists were everywhere noisy, in- 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 29 

tolerant, and undisturbed. In towns of any size, meet- 
ings favorable to the Union cause were disturbed, and 
in the country outrages, robberies, and murders were 
perpetrated with impunity, on political grounds, upon 
suspected or known Union men. The borders along 
the Kansas and Iowa lines were being daily crossed by 
Union refugees, fleeing to escape persecution. Rebel 
flags were thrown to the breeze in Rolla, St. Louis, Kan- 
sas City, Platte county, and elsewhere. So strong 
seemed the disloyal tide that Jackson, Reynolds, Par- 
sons, Conrow, Peyton, Dougherty, Dorris, Freeman, 
TIeyer, and others of the malcontents really thought 
they could safely trust their cause to the decision of the 
people, and the elections ordered for the 1 8th of Febru- 
ary by the Convention bill were confidently looked to 
for secession vindication. 

SECESSION IN ST. LOUIS. 

The conspirators argued that in St. Louis they were 
sufficiently strong to maintain their power there against 
all local opposition. They based their reasoning upon the 
vote for Barrett and Blair for the short term, and asserted 
the Blair vote to be made up mostly of Germans. For 
this latter class they affected to entertain the most 
supreme contempt, and freely expressed their belief that 
the Ninth Ward alone could whip the balance of St. 
Louis. It is true that the conduct of people theretofore 
identified with each of the contending parties in the 
political struggles which had taken place was such as to 
encourage hopes of a secession majority, even in St. Louis 
itself. The Bell-Everetts seemed more with the Democ- 
racy than with the Republicans, and nothing but the 
finest management and the purest patriotism on the part 
of Republican leaders prevented the Bell-Everetts, 
en masse, from siding with the rebellion. There were a 



30 

large number of the Democrats who were open and 
undisguised in their fidelity to the rebellion, and they 
were everywhere unreserved in their expressions, and 
declared for the South with perfect impunity. This ele- 
ment Reynolds determined to consolidate into an organ- 
ization which was intended to be the nucleus of the 
military arm of the Missouri secessionists. 

The only real friends — those who were known as 
unconditionally such — of the Union, in St. Louis, in Jan- 
uary, 1861, were the Republicans. They were called 
Blair-men, and the party-hate of years was stillcherished 
for their ^ader. It required the utmost prudence and 
skillful nMnagement on the part of Mr. Rlair to break 
down this prejudice in the minds of many and induce 
them to co-operate with him in patriotic effort. This he 
succeeded in doing to quite an extent, and prepared the 
way for success at the February polls. 

THE MINUTE-MEN. 

By the advice of the Jefferson City junta, the head- 
quarters of the Democracy — the Berthoid mansion, on the 
northwest corner of Fifth and Pine streets — was retained 
as the headquarters of a new organization, called "Minute 
Men," which was mustered under military law, and 
incorporated into the militia of the district. These 
minute-men entered into solemn engagements to stand 
by the South in the impending conflict, and they at once 
threw into public view the object of their devotion, the 
emblem of the "Southern Confederacy." The minute- 
men had this advantage over their opponents : they were 
the servants of the State authorities, acting under the 
sanction of State law, and backed by the "old pub. 
lime." at Washington. 

THE UNION GUARD. 

Mr. Blair had counseled the reorganization of the 



AND MISSOURI IN 18G1. 31 

Wide Awakes, and, in the latter part of December, calls 
were made, in the different wards, for meetings for that 
purpose. These calls were promptly and enthusiastically 
responded to ; but, after an organization was perfected 
and matters put in working order, the developments of 
the conspirators at Jefferson City and in the Berthold 
mansion led to an abandonment of the Wide Awakes, 
and the organization of Union clubs in their stead. It 
was hoped by this means to bring in all who, though 
not Republicans, were yet sincere Union men. A meet- 
ing was accordingly held at Washington Hall, on the 
night of January 11, of all those in favor of thA Union 
under any and all circumstances, at which the Wide 
Awakes were formally disbanded, and a Union club 
organized, into which all Union men were invited. jpDut- 
side of the Republican party, however, the movement 
did not generally obtain, very few but the Republicans 
seeming to take any interest in it. 

It was very evident that, if the Republicans desired 
to retain a foothold as Union men in Missouri, there 
must be preparations made to meet force with force. It 
seemed very possible, and more than probable, that the 
great majority of the other parties would stand idly by 
in case of conflict, or, if lending any aid, furnish it to the 
Southern cause. A series of meetings was consequently 
held, for the purpose of consulting as to the best meas- 
ures to adopt in the pending crisis. At these meetings, 
which were always held in secret, the men whose names 
have heretofore, or may hereafter appear as prominent 
Republicans in 1861 were generally in attendance. In 
nearly every instance, those who made up the Union 
Safety Committee were on hand at every consultation. 

I have notes of one meeting in particular, which was 
held in a lawyer's office, and which was attended by O. 
D. Filley, Giles F. Filley, James O. Rroadhead, F. A. 



32 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

Dick, Barton Able, Charles M. Elleard, William McKee, 
B. Gratz Brown, S. T. Glover, Ben. Farrar, Samuel 
Simmons, P. L. Foy, and F. P. Blair, as also by others 
whose names I cannot learn. 

As I have said, the meeting was for the purpose of 
conversing upon public affairs. Mr. Glover sustained 
Mr. Blair in his view of the situation, and was the prin- 
, cipal speaker of the evening. Absolutely prophetic in 
*Tus anticipation of coming evils, he argued that the atti- 
tude of Southern politicians in Congress seemed to 
determine civil war as inevitable. He declared that talk 
was useless, that nothing could be done to avert war, 
and that, if the Union men were wise, they would not 
hesitate to follow Mr. Blair's advice and arm, that being: 
their only recourse. There were some of those present 
who did not deem such a course expedient, for with 
many it was impossible to contemplate that there was 
an 7 r %l danger of actual armed conflict. The meeting 
broke up Avithout coming to any definite understanding. 

APPOINTMENT OP THE UNION SAFETY COMMITTEE. 

But the seed sown at that meeting was not without 
good fruit. Following it was a meeting which took 
place in Washington Hall, very near the first of February, 
a military organization was adopted, and a company of 
Union guards enrolled for secret drill. There should of 
necessity be some recognized head, and it was proposed 
to make Mr. Blair Colonel of the new military organiza- 
tion, and that gentleman, anticipating his own absence 
in Washington City, advised the appointment, also, of 
O. D. Filley, John How, Samuel T. Glover, James O. 
Broadhead, and J. J. Witzig, to be a Committee of Safety, 
to whom should be confided the interests of the Union 
men in St. Louis. The proposition was accepted, and 
throughout those trying days each member of that com- 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 33 

mitt.ee, in season and out of season, labored with energy 
and fidelity, and with fruitful results, in the fulfillment 
of their mission. The organization at "Washington Hall, 
and the proposed arming and drilling of Union men, 
which grew out of the meeting previously mentioned, 
was necessarily prosecuted with the utmost secrecy. It 
was fully known that, if the conspirators should learn of 
the proposed movement, they would at once seize upon 
the arsenal, and call to their aid the Democracy of th^ 
State, by representing the " Blade Republicans " as 
inaugurating revolution. Therefore, the plans of the 
Safety Committee were prosecuted with the utmost se- 
crecy. Now came into use the splendid organization 
of the just disbanded Wide Awakes, the recent members 
of which were soon enrolled into military companies. 
These companies drilled at night in the foundry of Giles 
F. Filley; in a house on Seventh street, east side, near 
St. Charles, owned by the Farrars ; in the brewery of 
Mr. Winkelmeyer, on Market street ; in Washington 
Hall ; in Lafayette Hall ; in Yaeger's Garden ; and else- 
where. These meeting-places were always approached 
with caution, and guards were stationed outside to pre- 
vent surprise. 

Previous to the meeting at Washington Hall, there 
had been held in the counting-room of O. D. Filley, on 
Main street, a meeting for the purpose of organizing a 
body of men who should serve in the work of mutual 
protection in case of rebel attack or proscription. Those 
present signed the roll, and others joined at subsequent 
meetings, which were held for some time in the third 
story of a house on Olive street, above Twelfth, and in 
a house owned by Ben. Farrar, on Seventh street, near 
St. Charles. The floors of both these houses were 
thickly strewn with saw-dust to avoid noise in drill- 
ing. 

2* 



34 



GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 



From the roll * of the parent company, of which F. P. 
Blair was Captain,Charles A. Anderson, First Lieutenant, 
and Fred. I. Dean, Second Lieutenant, there were formed, 
in less than a fortnight, several full companies, in different 
parts of the city, of reliable and earnest Unionists . For 
the following roster of officers of these companies I am 
indebted to E. M. Joel. There were an "inside organ- 



* The following is the roster of the company thus formed : 



F. P. Blair, Jr., Captain. 

Henry Hitchcock, 

Silas Eeed, 

Thomas Cuddy, 

B. M. Joel, 

William McKee, 

Fred. I. Dean, 2d Lieutenant 

J. H. Lightner, 

William S. Hillyer, 

Frank G. Porter, 

James Peckham, 

T. P. Loesch, 

J. D. Leonard, 

Joseph M. Hallenbeck, 

H. L. Pinney, 

J. McCormack, 

Joseph R. Boggs, 

William P. Hollister, 

William Z. Clark, 

Lucien Eaton, 

Jacob Buhr, 

n. A. Conant, 

H. Sand, 

Henry Halterlien, 

John Service, 

John McFall, 

Alexis Mudd, 

R. J. Healy, 

W. D. Bowen, 

nenry Kuntz, 

William H. Mills, 

John Popp, 

William Gadmon, 

Theodore C M. Tracie, 

James J. Wishart, 

Ripply, 

Charles Osburg. 
["For the other companies in full, nee Appendix.] 



F. H. Mauter, 
John P. McGrath, 
William Cuddy, 

E. M. Joel, 

Charles W. Branscome, 
A. S. Thurneck, 
W. C. Smith, 
D. M. Houser, 
Jacob S. Merrill, 
Mike Summers, 

C W. Anderson, 1st Lieutenant. 
William C. Mahew, 
Samuel Knox, 
N. M. Christian, 
John E. Walker, 
L. Marsow, 
Henry McKee, 
Charles Castello, 

F. Van Braemer, 
Thomas Woody, 
Fred. Broomerfaf, 
George Casper, 
Charles Wappiel, 
D. Kerr, 
C. H Lippman, 

Gordon, 

George Pope, 
R. B. Beck, 
Thomas Mennott, 
nenry Gurth, 
N. B. McPherson, 
Patrick Costiggan, 
J. Peter Nee, 
John J. Russell, 
James Oats, 
S. T. Glover, 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 35 

ization " and an " outside organization ; " the latter were 
the companies themselves, and the " inside," the power 
or authority which controlled them. Mr. Blair was Pre- 
sident of the inside organization, and E. M. Joel, Secre- 
tary. All acted in harmony with the Safety Committee, 
of which O. D. Filley was President, and James O. 
Broadhead, Secretary. I now give the roster of the 
companies spoken of above : 

Grand Drill Master, ■ Earned. 

East Division, Union Club — President, Chester Har- 
ding, Jr. ; two hundred men. 

West Division, Union Club — President, Fecklen- 

burg ; two hundred men. 

Fourth Ward, Union Black Rifles — Captain, George 
Dahmer ; First Lieutenant, Gus. Boernstein ; Second 
Lieutenant, A. Boernstein ; eighty men. 

Fifth Ward, Union Club— S. T. Glover, President ; 
George A. Schaeffer, Secretary ; one hundred and five 
men. 

Seventh Ward, Union Guard — Captain, Julius Wag- 
ner ; First Lieutenant, Frank Golde ; Second Lieutenant, 
Charles Nager ; fifty-eight men. 

Tenth Ward, Union Guard — Captain, Linkerman ; 
First Lieutenant, Wingar ; Second Lieutenant, Sieger- 
mann ; sixty-five men. 

Second Ward, Black Rifles (Company A) — Captain, 
Chris. Goerisch ; First Lieutenant, George Geigler ; 
Second Lieutenant, Philip Frank ; one hundred and 
thirty- six men. 

Second Ward, Black Rifles (Company B) — Captain, 
Bernard Klein ; First Lieutenant, Ferd. Schuddig ; Sec- 
ond Lieutenant, John A. Lippard ; ninety-six men. 

Company No. 5, Union Guard — Captain, Geo. Smith ; 
First Lieutenant, Joe Gerwina ; Second Lieutenant, 
John Nolte, fifty-three men. 



36 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

Citizen Guard — Captain, C. E. Solomon ; First Lieu- 
tenant, F. W. Noel ; Second Lieutenant, A. Albert ; 
eighty-three men. 

Citizen Guard — Captain, C. D. Wolf; sixty men. 

Black Bines — Captain, Ott ; First Lieutenant, Hru- 
dicka ; Second Lieutenant, Nickerle ; forty-six men. 

Mounted Citizens' Guard — Captain, Henry Almstedt ; 
forty men. 

Black Rifles — Captain, Fred. Niegermann ; First 
Lieutenant, "VVm. Rotterman ; Second Lieutenant, D. 
Gronemeier ; one hundred and twenty men. 

Third Ward, Union Guard — -N". Schuttuer, Major ; 
forty men. 

Black Yaegers — Captain, Michael Praester ; First 
Lieutenant, P. Muller ; Second Lieutenant, C. Weiss ; 
sixty men. 

ARMING OF THE UNION GUARD. 

There were men enough, but no guns. It would have 
been folly to have applied to the authorities at the 
arsenal, or to even intimate to them that arms were 
wanted. What should be done must be done secretly, 
as there were secesh detectives following, like shadows, 
every movement of the leading Republicans. But Mr. 
Blair had no idea that his company should remain 
without arms a moment longer than was necessary, and 
proceeding to the store of E. A. & S. R. Filley, he 
made known to those gentlemen his determination. 
They fully agreed with him, and Mr. Samuel R. Filley 
engaged to raise the money. It was thought three 
hundred dollars would be sufficient to purchase what 
could be privately disposed of at once, and this amount 
was raised by Mr. Filley in a very few minutes — his own 
firm subscribing one hundred dollars, and O. D. Filley 
and Giles F. Filley each one hundred dollars. Mr. Blair 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 37 

then procured seventy muskets, as the following bill 
will show, himself adding twenty-five dollars to the 
amount handed him by the Filleys : 



[copy.] 

St. Louis, Feb. 14, 1861. 
F. P. Blair, Jr. 

To T. J. Albright, Dr. 

To 50 TJ. S. muskets, at $5 50 $275 00 

" 20 " " " 6 00 120 00 

" 3 boxes for same 4 50 

" 400 ball cartridges 8 00 

" caps 40 

$407 90 
Cr., by cash 325 00 

Received due bill for balance $82 90 

(Signed) T. J. ALBRIGHT. 

Governor Yates, of Illinois, also forwarded some two 
hundred muskets for the use of the St. Louis Union men. 
These guns were shipped to Mr. Giles F. Filley, to the 
care of Woodward & Co., hardware dealers, on Main 
street, St. Louis. They were immediately upon their 
arrival taken to Turner Hall in a beer wagon, under 
cover of a lot of beer barrels, and distributed to reliable 
men of the Union Guard. Woodward & Co. had also 
sixty Sharpe's rifles, which Mr. Giles F. Filley pur- 
chased to prevent them from falling into the hands of 
the secesh. He reserved these rifles for the company 
that drilled in his own foundry. About fifty other guns 
Mr. Woodward handed over to the Union Guard for 
safe keeping, the pay for which, I am told, he never 
claimed. In addition to all these I have enumerated 



38 



GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 



several Union citizens also procured weapons of some 
description, and thus silently and secretly there were 
enough muskets and rifles reported to Mr. Blair to arm 



a regiment. 



UNION CONTRIBUTIONS. 



It was very evident to the Messrs. Filley and Mr. 
Blair that necessity would speedily arise for the use of 
money. The Safety Committee could not carry on their 
plans efficiently and energetically without money, and 
each member of that committee was already employed 
night and day in discovering the designs of the secesh. 
After a full consultation in Mr. O. D. Filley's store, Mr. 
Samuel R. Filley and Mr. E. W. Fox undertook to act 
as a private committee for the purpose of soliciting sub- 
scriptions, in order to raise a fund for the support of the 
cause, as well as for the assistance of those guards upon 
whom the Union men relied for the defense of the 
arsenal. At first a thousand dollars was thought suffi- 
cient, but as time advanced, and the wants of the Union- 
ists increased, this committee acted in conjunction with a 
regularly appointed committee of the Safety Committee, 
and the Colonels of the first four regiments of volunteers. 

WHERE THE MONEY CAME FROM. 

Messrs. Samuel R. Filley and E. W. Fox called first 
upon the following-named gentlemen, and each firm or 
individual subscribed one hundred dollars : 
Henning & Woodruff, Giles F. Filley, 

Child, Pratt & Fox, Oliver D. Filley, 

Cash (H. Weil & Bro.), Greeley & Gale, 
J. B. Sickles, Samuel C. Davis & Co., 

Wolfe & Hoppe, Pike & Kellogg, 

Robert Holmes, Ben. Farrar, 

Cash, Pomroy & Benton, 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 39 

Lee Claflin, N. P. Coburn, 

Thomas Mellen (Phila.), Goodrich, Willard & Co., 

E. A. & S. R. Filley, II. Crevelin, 

Partridge & Co., Bridge, Beach & Co., 

Isaac V. Brown, Thomas T Gantt, 

Ubsdell, Peirson & Co., Dr. M. L. Linton. 

The committee called upon quite a number who re- 
fused to give, among whom were some unsuspected 
secessionists, and it may be imagined their replies were 
neither polite nor complimentary. But if it be true 
(and I do not doubt it) that " the Lord lovcth the cheer- 
ful giver," each of the above-named have claims upon 
His special affections. 

In continuing these collections, the following gentle 
men subscribed fifty dollars each : Christopher & 
Richards, Eben Richards, D. Durkee, Chauncey I. 
Filley, H. Ames & Co., H. J. Loring & Co., John 
Tilden, Archer, Whitesides & Co., A. S. Roberts, Jr., 
J. F. Comstock & Co., T. B. Edgar, Henry Whitmore, 
Morris Collins, James Brown, O. B. Filley, Cutter & 
Thrill, Cash. 

The following subscribed twenty-five dollars each : 
Sol. Smith, Plant & Bro., Cash, H. Whitmore, Morris 
Collins, Mr. Richardson, P. L. Foy, E. B. Hubbell, Jr., 
L. <fc C. Speck & Co., J. H. Lightner, Samuel G. Reed, 
R. J. Howard, H. C. Creveling, James Harkness, Claflin, 
Allen & Co., Stranger from Western Missouri, Reed & 
Co. 

Twenty dollar subscriptions : G. B. Smith, Captain J. 
B. Phillips, Henry Martin, J. H. Andrews. 

Ten dollar subscriptions : J. M. Brown, L. W. 
Patchin & Co., Thomas Taylor, J. H. Simpson, C. F. 
Eggers, Henry Pettis, George D. English, Stephen 
Hoyt, H. Bakewell, W. II. Tasker, R. P. Studley, 



40 

E. Greenleaf, S. Bonner, William Rumbold, Cash,Wood- 
bury &> Scott. 

Five dollar subscriptions : E. Crawshaw, J. Craw- 
shaw, Jr., J. Crawshaw, S. Gardner, M. J. Lippman, 
W. T. Dickson, Mr. Dodge, Cash, T. J. Albright, 
Cash, E. G. Brooks, J. J. Flippen. 

Miscellaneous subscriptions : T. H. & St. Louis R. R , 
$3 95 ; Testimonial Fund, $48 ; John Clark, 65 cents ; 
Cash, $62 ; S. C. Mansur, $15. 

MONEY SUBSCRIPTIONS FROM THE EAST. 

Check on Barlow & Taylor . . . . . . . $10 00 

Gilmer, Dunlap & Co., Cin., O 449 00 

Certificate of Deposit, Atlas Bank, Boston . . 50 00 

Draft on Field & Co., Phila 50 00 

Received through George Partridge . . . . 1,140 00 

" " F. P. Blair ...... 150 00 

" " Governor Koeraer, 111. . . 215 00 
" " F. P. Blair, draft on Boston 

Bank ... 500 00 
" " " draft on Seventh 

WardBank,N.Y., 50 00 

" " " currency . . . 115 00 

" " Governor Koerner, 111. . . 240 10 

" " Isaac Sherman, N. Y. . . . 2,000 00 

" " J. W. Forney, Pa. ... 100 00 

" " Rindskoff Bros. & Co., Cin., O., 150 00 

" " Isaac Sherman, 1ST. Y. . . . 3,000 00 

« John How from Cash, N. Y., 100 00 

" " George Partridge, collections, 1,657 00 
" " Governor Koerner, from 
Roosevelt & Son and J. D. 
Wolf, draft on Chemical 

Bank, rT. Y 200 00 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 41 

Received through W. & S., St. Louis . . . $10 00 
" F. P. Blair, draft on Isaac 

Sherman, KY., 4,000 00 
draft on Isaac 
Sherman, JST.Y., 4,000 00 
" from Isaac Sher- 
man, N". Y. . 20 00 
" " Morris Collins, from Hart- 
ford, Conn 1,500 00 

J. H. Filley, Bloomfield, Ct., 110 00 
" " Isaac Sherman, N. Y. . . 575 00 

" A. C. Barstow, Providence, 

K. 1 10 00 

Meyer & Braun, from N. Y. 

merchants 85 00 

" George Partridge, donation 

from Boston . . . . 1,498 00 
" " Morris Collins, from Hart- 
ford, Ct 102 00 

F. P. Blair, per E. W. Fox, 

when at Washington City, 200 00 
— including sundry small cash donations, the 
whole amount reaching very nearly . . . 30,000 00 
Besides the above, there were vast quantities of goods 
received from the East, which were fairly distributed, 
as the books of the Safety Committee will show. 

PLANS OP THE SECESSIONISTS THE ST. LOUIS ARSENAL. 

The minute-men, under the lead of McLaren, James 
George, Thornton Grimsley, Wm. Wade, and others, 
were depending upon Claib Jackson for orders to take 
the arsenal. Grimsley wrote a letter to Jackson, which 
was afterward captured among Jackson's papers at Jef- 
ferson City, in which he urged Claib Jackson to allow him 
(Grimsley) to attempt the capture of the arsenal, which he 



42 GEN. 

said he could safely do, as he had over one thousand men, 
drilled, armed, and ready for any work. Besides, he claimed 
the co-operation of General D. M. Frost, in command of 
the State militia, a graduate of West Point, an officer 
thoroughly in the interest of the rebellion, and reputed 
a brave and skillful tactician. Frost knew the value of 
prompt and decisive action, and had Jackson been as 
bold St. Louis streets would have run with blood as 
early as January. To obtain possession of St. Louis in 
advance of any Federal attempts to re-enforce it ; to call 
upon the people of the State to rush to the defense of 
State rights and of their own elect ; to fortify and gar- 
rison the prominent points on the river to some place 
south of Cairo ; to seduce Southern Illinois into the 
scheme of the rebellion ; to disarm every doubtful 
man, and enforce a vigorous conscription — such was the 
outline of the St. Louis- Jefferson City juntas; but Jackson 
wanted backbone to take this initiative, and preferred 
to follow in the wake of the Southern States. 

There was no place in possession of the national 
authorities in 1861, which the conspirators so much de- 
sired, as the arsenal at St. Louis. It is situated in the 
southern part of the city, and covers an area of fifty-six 
acres of ground, bordering the Mississippi river. It is 
located on rather low ground, and is hemmed in by 
a high stone wall on all sides except the water front. 
Within these walls, independent of the workshops, there 
are four very large stone buildings, forming a rectangle. 
The main arsenal is one of these, flanked on either side 
by buildings of equally solid masonry. The fourth 
building is larger than the main arsenal, and was used in 
January, 1861, for the several offices then established in 
the arsenal. Within these buildings there were stored, 
at the time last mentioned, 60,000 stand of arms (mostly 
Enfield and Springfield), 1,500,000 ball cartridges, sev- 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 43 

eral field pieces and siege guns, together with a large 
amount of machinery in the several shops, and munitions 
of war in abundance. In the main magazine there were 
90,000 pounds of powder. 

In early January, 1861, the only protection afforded 
this invaluable property was a force consisting of a few 
staff officers, three or four men detailed from Jefferson 
Barracks to serve them, and the mechanics (unarmed) in 
the workshops. There were no precautions adopted to 
prevent mischievous persons from entering the place, and 
a half-dozen John Browns -could have taken the arsenal. 

This property, in the hands of the national Govern- 
ment, was cause of much grief to the conspirators, 
and there is no doubt that, had they realized the fact of a 
probable change in the commandancy of the arsenal, they 
would have attempted its seizure early in the month of 
January ; but Major Bell, the officer in charge, was in 
alliance with the conspirators, and the plan was adopted 
to leave the arsenal in his hands until such time as it was 
necessary to take it, and then, by means of some excite- 
ment studiously to be caused in the city, the Governor, 
under the j)lea of "protecting Government property" 
would march his minute-men to the " assistance of Major 
Bell." The following letter, captured in 1864, explains 
the complicity of Major Bell and General Frost in this 
design : 

St. Louis, Mo., January 24, 1861. 
His Excellency C. F. Jackson^ Governor of Missouri ; 

Dear Sir — I have just returned from the arsenal, where 
I have had an interview with Major Bell, the command- 
ing officer of that place. I found the Major everything 
that you or I could desire. He assured me that he con- 
sidered tli at Missouri had, whenever the time came, a right 
to claim it as being on her soil. He asserted his determ- 
ination to defend it against any and all irresponsible mobs, 
come from whence they might, but at the same time gave 



44 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

me to understand that he would not attempt any defense 
against the proper State authorities. 

He promised me, upon the honor of an officer and a 
gentleman, that he would not suffer any arms to he re- 
moved from the place without first giving me timely 
information, and I, in return, promised him that I would 
use all the force at my command to prevent him being 
annoyed by irresponsible persons. 

I at the same time gave him notice that if affairs as- 
sumed so threatening a character as to render it unsafe 
to leave the place in its comparatively unprotected con- 
dition, that I might come down and quarter a proper 
force there to protect it from the assaults of any persons 
whatsoever, to which he assented. In a word, the Major 
is with us, where he ought to be, for all his worldly 
wealth lies here in St. Louis (and it is very large) ; and 
then, again, his sympathies are with us. 

I shall therefore rest perfectly easy, and use all my 
influence to stop the sensationists from attracting the 
particular attention of the Government to this particular 
spot. The telegrams you received were the sheerest 
" canards " of persons who, without discretion, are ex- 
tremely anxious to show their zeal. I shall be thoroughly 
prepared with the proper force to act as emergency may 
require. The use of force will only be resorted to when 
nothing else will avail to prevent the shipment or re- 
moval of the arms. 

The Major informed me that he had arms for forty 
thousand men, with all the appliances to manufacture 
munitions of almost every kind. 

This arsenal, if properly looked after, will be every- 
thing to our State, and I intend to look after it ; very 
quietly, however. I have every confidence in the word 
of honor pledged to me by the Major, and would as soon 
think of doubting the oath of the best man in the com- 
munity. 

His idea is that it would be disgraceful to him as a 
military man to surrender to a mob, whilst he could do 
so, without compromising his dignity, to the State au- 
thorities. Of course I did not show him your order, but 
I informed him that you had authorized me to act as I 
might think proper to protect the public property. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. • 45 

He desired that I would not divulge his peculiar views, 
which T promised not to do, except to yourself. I beg, 
therefore, that you will say nothing that might com- 
promise him eventually with the General Government, 
for thereby I would be placed in an awkward position, 
whilst he probably would be removed, which would be 
unpleasant to our interests. 

Grimsley, as you doubtless know, is an unconscionable 
jackass, and only desires to make himself notorious. It 
was through him that McLaren and George made the 
mistake of telegraphing a falsehood to you. 

I should be pleased to hear whether you approve of 
the course I have adopted, and if not, I am ready to take 
any other that you, as my commander, may suggest. 
I am, sir, most truly, 

Your obedient servant, 

D. M. FROST. 

THE CATHOLIC BELLS. 

GENERAL ORDERS, No. 4. 
Headquarters First Military District, ) 
St. Louis, January 8, 1S61. j 

I. With a view to facilitate a prompt assemblage of 
the troops in this district, whenever it may be necessary 
so to do, it is hereby ordered that all officers and soldiers 
in the command shall assemble at their armories and 
headquarters, in full dress uniform, as soon as they may 
hear the bells of the churches sounding a continual peal, 
interrupted by pauses of five minutes. The troops, hav- 
ing thus assembled, will await in their quarters orders 
from their commanding officers. 

II. Commanding officers of corps will be held respon- 
sible that this order is communicated and explained to 
their commands. 

By order, 
BRIG.-GENL. FROST, Commanding. 
Wm. D. Wood, A. A. G. 

The Safety Committee, through their secret agents, 
obtained information that the bells which General Frost 
expected to use were none other than the bells of the 



46 GEN. 

Catholic churches throughout the city. Archbishop 
Kenclrick having "been absent from the city, the con- 
spirators had arranged with the person acting for the 
Archbishop in his absence, for the use of the bells of the 
Catholic churches, for the purpose of signaling the de- 
signs of the traitors. Mr. O. D. Filley and Mr. Peter L. 
Foy called upon the Archbishop immediately upon his 
return to the city, and asked him if the information in the 
possession of the Safety Committee was correct. The 
Archbishop replied that it was, and assured his visitors 
that he had already interfered in the matter, and had 
strictly prohibited the use of the bells for any such pur- 
pose. So the Catholic church bells were no longer re- 
lied upon by Frost, and his secret circular was a failure. 

But this circular, secretly distributed, fell into the 
hands of a good Unionist, who at once handed it over to 
Mr. Blair. That gentleman made it the ground of an 
urgent demand upon General Scott to re-enforce the ar 
senal, and to place in command at that valuable depot 
some reliable person who would be true to the Union 
cause. Mr. Blair was aided in this movement by Mr. 
Lincoln, Gov. Yates, and his brother, Montgomery Blair. 
In the latter part of January, General Scott ordered 
Lieutenant T. W. Sweeney, of the Second Infantry, then 
in New York, to report to Major McRae, at Jefferson 
Barracks, and also ordered Major Bell to the Eastern 
Department. The reason for this last may be discovered 
in the following telegram to the New York Evening 
Post: 

Washington, January 24, 1861. 

Detailed information has to-day been communicated 
to General Scott, to the effect that a plot is laid for the 
seizure of the U. S. Arsenal at St. Louis. 

Major Bell declined obeying the order for his transfer^ 
and tendered his resignation on the ground of his large 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 47 

property interests in St. Louis, which would not permit 
of his absence. His resignation was at once accepted, 
and Major Hagner assumed command of the arsenal. 

REMOVAL OF GOVERNMENT FUNDS. 

At six, P. M., January 9, a small body, of troops ar- 
rived in the city from Newport Barracks, and proceeded 
at once to Jefferson Barracks. The secesh were indig- 
nant at this slight manifestation of vigror in the Govern- 
ment, and talked angrily about Federal attempts to over- 
awe them, and " Black Republican " designs to overthrow 
liberty. But their indignation increased to fever heat 
when they found, on the morning of the 1 1th, that a Feder- 
al Lieutenant (Thompson), with a squad of U. S. soldiers 
was in charge of the Custom House and Sub-Treasury. 
Throughout the day a crowd collected in the streets ad- 
joining (composed of men of all shades of opinion), and 
secesh passion found vent in the most ludicrous remarks. 
The object of the martial visit was to secure the safe re- 
moval of the IT. S. funds, which having been effected 
during the day, Lieut. Thompson and his men, at about 
five, P. M., retired to the arsenal. So threatening did 
affairs appear throughout the city, that Mayor Filley 
saw proper to send to the Common Council that after- 
noon the following: 



o 



Mayor's Office, ) 



January 11, 1861. 

Gentlemen of the Board of Common Council. — A 
very general and unusual excitement prevails in our com- 
munity, and although I do not apprehend that any actual 
disturbance or interference with the rights of our citizens 
will ensue, yet I deem it best that all proper precaution- 
ary measures should be taken to fully prepare for any 
event. I would hence recommend that the members of 
the Council from each ward select from among their best 
citizens such a number of men as the exigencies of the 



48 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

case may seem to require, and to organize them to be 
ready for any emergency. Our citizens are entitled to 
the full protection of the laws, and must have it. 
Respectfully, 

O. D. FILLEY. 

Fortunately, however, no collision occurred, owing 
to the prudence of the Unionists. It was about this time 
the minute-men were organizing. 

POLITICAL PARTIES IN JANUARY, 1861. 

The vote for Breckenridge, in November, 1860, did not 
indicate the full strength of the secessionists in St. Louis- 
Many of them voted for Claib Jackson, not only because 
of fears that the " abolitionists " would triumph in the 
defeat of the Democracy, but because they had entire 
confidence in Jackson himself. Many of the most active 
Douglasites became earnest leaders among the minute- 
men, and thus the secession element was immensely 
stronger in January, 1861, than at the previous Novem- 
ber polls. 

The Douglas wing of the Democracy became extinct 
with the canvass which had called it into existence, and 
those who had made up that party, if now not avowed 
secessionists, were at least playing into their hands by 
clamoring for conditions and compromises. 

The Bell-Everetts subsided into obscurity, some of their 
leaders siding with the rebellion, all demanding com- 
promise. The Crittenden resolutions, though bitterly 
denounced by the secessionists themselves, were yet 
clung to by both Democrat and Know Nothing as a 
means of expressing the amount of their attachment to 
the Union, without incurring the much feared charge of 
fusing witli the Republicans. Both Democracy and 
Know Nothings were in a condition to accept any alter- 
native which might be presented upon the first exhibi- 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 49 

tion of military strength on the part of either " Fed- 
eral " or " Confederate," 

The Republicans, as a matter of course, were the sin- 
cere friends of the Union. Wherever a Republican was 
seen, there was known to be a decided, unconditional 
Union man. He was the jest of both the other factions 
— alike hated and feared by both. At a later period, 
moderate Democrats and moderate Bell-Everetts acqui- 
esced in the Union by refraining to take part with the 
rebellion, but both desired to serve the Union in their 
own way and under their own leaders. They began to 
profess a willingness to remain in the Union, but they 
had fought against Frank Blair so long, they did not 
now aspire to assist in saving the Union by standing 
shoulder to shoulder with him. They began to want 
the Union saved, but did not want Frank Blair to help 
save it ; they loved the country, but they did not want to 
fight for it ; they had no sympathy with secession, but 
they did not want secessionists interfered with ; they were 
" Union men, but by no means abolitionists." 

Mr. Blair and the Republicans were confident of supe- 
rior strength, with the assistance of Iowa, Kansas, Indi- 
ana, and Illinois, to whip out secession from Missouri and 
Arkansas, yet they were anxious to ignore everything 
like partyism, and invited all friends of the Union to 
engage in its preservation under the national banner. 
They proposed to drop the word "Republican" and 
engage in the work of forming a great Union party, 
where all would be on a political equality, and that 
future action should determine the political status of the 
individual. But people were very slow to see, and still 
slower to move. It required the utmost of that political 
tact and management for which Mr. Blair was so justly 
celebrated, and the most careful and prudent kind of 
argument, to effect such a coalition between hitherto 



50 GEN. 

opposing elements as should serve the cause of the 
nation in the State of Missouri. 

But the most admirable of all the personal incidents of 
that time was the perfect confidence and trust reposed 
in each other by individual Republicans, and the supreme 
reliance placed in their leader. Between Mr. Blair and 
others of prominence in the party (men of great abilities 
and solid judgment as well) there existed the most 
thorough personal sympathy and harmony. Indeed it 
was no time to cater to ambition. The positive charac- 
ter, untiring energy, and undaunted courage of Mr. Blair 
capacitated him for leadership in such a crisis. His fer- 
tile brain devised every expedient, his indomitable will 
carried out every plan. While the rebels threatened 
they found the work of a master on every hand. In 
activity and vigilance he was more than a match for the 
whole batch of conspirators. In council with his co-la- 
borers he accepted their suggestions, strengthened their 
plans, discouraged contentious debate, when indulged in 
by some young and unthinking friend, by mild remark 
or gentle reproof, and rendered strict homage to age and 
ability. No spirit of jealousy, no desire for notoriety, 
interfered with his authority, and no personal ambition 
prompted him to encounter popular prejudice. 

Those Republicans of 1861 ! with what noble self- 
reliance they maintained their indifference to opprobri- 
ous epithets, with what religious inspiration they tena- 
ciously grasped the starry emblem of the Republic ! No 
Dissenter, seeking solitude to avoid the persecution of 
the Established Church, no Puritan, kneeling in prayer 
in ocean-tossed " May-Flower," had more the spirit of the 
true faith than had those Republicans of 1 SGI who, under 
such grand "Safety Committee" leadership, resolved to 
sustain, to the bitter end, the cause of humanity and of 
God. 



AND MISSOURI IN" 1861. 51 



POLITICAL MOVEMENTS. 

On the night of January 8, the Democracy held a 
mass meeting at Washington Hall for the purpose of 
organization. The active members of that meeting were 
notorious secessionists, and in order to seduce the timid 
into their ranks, and maintain their own natural strength, 
it was made the policy to throw the onus of the impend- 
ing conflict upon the Republicans. The resolutions 
adopted were satisfactory to the secessionists, but the 
latter could scarcely see the propriety of adopting that 
one which called for " a committee of twenty to act with 
a committee of the 'Union party,' for the purpose of 
opposing Black Republicanism." It was explained that 
there was a large body of the people who were not dis- 
unionists, but yet were not Black Republicans, and as the 
Congress had not rejected every scheme for pacification, 
and as it was very likely some basis of settlement would 
be agreed upon, it behooved the opponents of " Black 
Republicanism " to show a solid front and assist in secur- 
ing the South her rights. It was not without consider- 
able discussion, however, that the resolution prevailed. 

About the same time the leading Republicans agreed 
with certain leaders of the opposition (not secesh) for a 
grand mass Union meeting, to be held on Saturday, 
January 1 2 ; but on the morning of that day it was pub- 
lished in the opposition " dailies," that the meeting was 
expected to adopt the Crittenden compromise resolutions 
as the basis for a settlement of the pending difficulties. 

This course met with objection from the Republicans, 
because of the implied sanction it gave to Southern con- 
tumacy. The Republicans desired to affirm their uncon- 
ditional devotion to the Union, but the proposed meet- 
ing threatened to restrict them. Mr. Blair, after con- 
sultation with prominent men of his own party, decided 



52 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

that the only legitimate course to pursue would be to 
declare unalterable fidelity to the Union under any and 
all circumstances ; and as this could not be done, under 
the arrangements for the proposed meeting, without pro-, 
ducing angry debate and probable serious consequences, 
determined to advise Republicans, as such, to decline 
participation in it. Consequently, on the morning of 
the meeting-day a placard was -posted around the city, 
advising the Republicans to take no part in the meeting, 
which was signed by several members of the party. 
T he meeting, however, was numerously attended, and 
the Crittenden resolutions were passed. 

CLAIB JACKSON LOSES MUCH POWDER. 

One of the measures of the Jackson-Reynolds clique 
was to deposit large quantities of powder in the hands 
of trusted friends throughout the State. Large quan- 
tities of powder were purchased in the East ; and on the 
15th of January, while in course of transit to St. Louis, 
4,500 kegs of this powder were seized by the secessionists 
in New Orleans. This was a severe loss to the junta, 
and messengers were dispatched to recover it if possible. 

PREPARATION TO CAPTURE THE ARSENAL. 

The removal of Bell and the appointment of Major 
Hagner to command the arsenal somewhat disconcerted 
the conspirators; not that they had no confidence in 
Hagner, but they were annoyed at the idea of General 
Scott having an eye upon the place. The arrival of 
Sweeney was further displeasing to them, and they be- 
gan to consider it best to have possession of the arsenal. 
The secessionists in the interior were constantly looking 
for the capture of the place, and were clamorous for its 
guns. Jackson was urged to act, but he withheld his 
sanction on the ground that the time had not yet arrived, 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 53 

and that it would not do for Missouri to take the initia- 
tive in the rebellion. The rebel leaders at St. Louis, 
however, alarmed at the growing interest of the Govern- 
-ment in the St. Louis arsenal, began to plan its capture. 
•Their confidence in Hagner was supreme ; but what of 
Sweeney, who by the latter part of January had reported 
to Major McRae, at Jefferson Barracks, and had by that 
officer been ordered to relieve Lieutenant Thompson, in 
the command of the troops at the arsenal ? They sent 
to ascertain. Sweeney had issued orders that no one 
unconnected with the arsenal should be admitted within 
the place, except by his own special permission. One 
day early in February, a man named Croghan presented 
himself at the west gate and demanded to see Captain 
Sweeney. (Sweeney had been made a Captain to fill a 
vacancy in his own regiment, caused by the defection 
and resignation of Captain Wm. Montgomery Gardiner.) 
Captain Sweeney soon appeared at the gate, and recog- 
nized in Croghan a former acquaintance, and the son of 
that Colonel Croghan who was Inspector-General of the 
U. S. Army, and who is known in history as the man 
who, with a small band, successfully held Fort San- 
dusky against an overwhelming force of British and In- 
dians, in the old War of 1812. Sweeney, not thinking 
that the son of such a man could be a rebel against the 
Government, with the history of which his father's 
name was so imperishably interwoven, greeted him with 
the warmth of true soldierly friendship, and invited him 
to his quarters. It was a cold day, and Croghan wore a 
citizen's overcoat. On their way to quarters, the guards 
properly saluted Sweeney as they passed. Said Croghan : 
" Sweeney, don't you think these sentinels ought to 
salute me — my rank is higher than yours ? " at the same 
time throwing open his overcoat, and revealing the uni- 
form of a rebel field officer. 



54 GEN. 

" Not to such as that,by heavens ! " responded Sweeney ; 
and added : " If that is your business, you can have 
nothing to do with me. You had better not let my men 
see you with that thing on." 

Croghan- assured him his business in calling was one 
of sincere friendship ; but he would remark, while on that 
s ubject, that Sweeney had better find it convenient to 
get out of there, and very soon, too. 

"Why?" asked Sweeney. 

Replied Croghan : " Because we intend to take it." 

Sweeney in great excitement exclaimed : " Never ! As 
sure as my name is Sweeney, the property in this place 
shall never fall into your hands. I'll blow it to hell first, 
and you know I am the man to do it." 

Yea ! Croghan did know it. Returning to the city, 
he related the conversation to the rebel junta, and they 
gave the sober second thought. Croghan had been sent 
out as a spy, and had discovered more than he had 
desired. Some of the conspirators called on Ethan 
Alien Hitchcock, and interrogated him as to the charac- 
ter of Sweeney. Hitchcock gave them no comfort. 

It was confidently believed that a certain night was 
fixed upon for an attack, and the Safety Committee pre- 
pared to assist Sweeney. On the night of the expected 
attack, Sweeney had his men (forty unassigned recruits 
in all) prepared for valiant fight and resistance ; and 
beyond the walls of his garrison there were over five 
hundred Union Guards keeping holy vigil over the pass- 
ing hours. The night passed away, however, without 
any disturbance, although unusual activity prevailed 
until a late hour in the headquarters of the minute- 
men. The threatened attack was postponed, and the 
favorable hour was forever gone. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 55 

THOROUGH UNION ORGANIZATION. 

In the meantime the organization of Black Rifles, 
Union Guards, Lafayette Guards, Mounted Rangers, and 
others of the Union host proceeded quietly, and with 
great rapidity and enthusiasm. The hopes and anticipa- 
tions of the leading loyalists were more than realized. 
It was felt, shortly after the arrival of Lyon, that in St. 
Louis the JVtde Awakes were more than a match for the 
minute-men, and the Safety Committee were in constant 
communication with prominent men of the Western 
States, who were prepared to render efficient service at 
a moment's notice. The Committee also had engaged 
the services of a corps of experienced detectives, and 
paid them from its own private funds. By this means 
many of the movements of the conspirators were instant- 
ly communicated, and their plans frustrated. Whenever 
there was any activity at the Berthold mansion, or 
around the offices and residences of prominent or known 
secessionists, there was corresponding activity in the 
drill-rooms of the Union Guards. The first indications of 
real cause for serious alarm would have prompted ener- 
getic action, and the several railroads leading into the 
city from the East would have been speedily thronged 
by patriot Northmen, rushing to the field in defense of 
their brother freemen, who were endeavoring in Missouri 
to uphold the national Union. 

The spies of the minute-men were also always on the 
alert, and such men as Messrs. How, Glover, Broadhead, 
Blair, Able, the Filleys, Simmons, Brown, and others 
were tracked in their every movement. The houses of 
Mr. How and Mr. G. F. Filley, on Lucas Place, were 
always watched, as were also the residences of Broad- 
head, O. D. Filley, and Blair. All these were noticed, and 
probably others were equally as closely spied. The arse- 



56 

nal was watched by regular guards, officially detailed 
and relieved. 

DARK DAYS. 

From all parts of the State letters reached Mr. Blair, 
asking for advice, and begging aid and comfort. I have 
a great number of these letters before me as I write. 
Any one of them is an index to the contents of all. 
Secession was rampant everywhere. Families were 
removing; to more congenial sections. Union men dared 
not utter their convictions. In all places the secesh were 
noisy and undisturbed. The enemies of the Government 
were rapidly providing themselves with arms and ammu- 
nition, and preparing for organization under the new 
military bill, which they confidently expected would 
speedily pass the Legislature. Dreading the intolerance 
and the oppression of the oligarchy, the opponents of 
secession (other than the Republicans) clung to the Crit- 
tenden compromise as the only safe method of explain- 
ing their position against the secession furore. It is dif- 
ficult to obtain the records of any meeting, outside of the 
city of St. Louis, where a stand for unconditional Union- 
ism was taken, where the genuine Union feeling was 
expressed ; and I am confident no such meeting was ever 
held. To those not in the secret, it seemed as if secession 
in Missouri was an accomplished fact; and so certain 
were Jackson, Reynolds & Co. that the people would 
decide in their favor, that they willingly submitted the 
question of a convention to a vote of the State. 

ARRIVAL OF CAPTAIN LYON AT THE ARSENAL. 

On the 6th of February, 1861, there arrived at the 
St. Louis arsenal a company of regulars from Fort Riley, 
all old soldiers, and superbly disciplined. This company 
(eighty enlisted men) added materially to the force to 




THE BRANT MANSION FREMONT'S HEADQUARTERS. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 57 

whose charge was committed the safety of the arsenal. 
But the great demand and expectation of the Unionists 
were not to be so much gratified by the numerical 
strength Government was crowding into that valuable 
place as in the calibre of the officer whose commands 
those men obeyed. His arrival, announced to the Union 
clubs, was greeted with an enthusiasm that welled forth 
from the deepest recesses of the loyalist's soul ; and the 
secessionists, in Berthold mansion and State capitol, 
learned to fear and appreciate Nathaniel Lyon. 

EARLY LIFE AND CAREER OF LYON. 

Nathaniel Lyon was born in Ashford, Windham 
county, Connecticut, July 14, 1819. He was the son 
of Amasa Lyon, a man of some prominence in his county, 
and for many years a magistrate. The mother of 
Nathaniel belonged to the Knowlton family, and ances- 
tors and relatives on either side had been distinguished 
in earlier days by their fidelity to freedom, and valuable 
service to the Federal cause in the council and the 
field. 

The youth of Nathaniel was passed at his home in Ash- 
ford, until, in his eighteenth year, he entered the Military 
Academy at West Point, from which he emerged a grad- 
uate in 1S41, being the eleventh in his class. He was 
appointed to be a Lieutenant in the Second United States 
Infantry, and ordered to Florida, where he was engaged 
in the latter part of the Seminole War. At the close of 
that war he was for a short season in Oregon ; but some 
time after the commencement of the Mexican War he 
reported to General Taylor, and was afterward transfer- 
red to the column headed by General Scott. His gallant 
conduct along the line of Scott's approach to the city of 
Mexico, and in the very streets of that city, won for him- 
self the applause of his comrades, and from a grateful 
3* 



58 GEN. 

Government the increased rank of a Captain by brevet. 
In 1851 this brevet title gave way to a full commission, 
and Captain Lyon was ordered to California, where was 
committed to him the charge, with two small compa- 
nies, of protecting an exposed frontier against marauding 
bands of Indians.* Afterward removed to the western 
border of Kansas and Nebraska, we find him, in the fall 
of 1860, sustaining the Republican party by contribu- 
tions to the Republican press. 

He was at Fort Riley when the order reached him to 
move with his company, with the greatest dispatch, to 
the St. Louis arsenal. 

LYON AND BLAIR. 

Upon his arrival in St. Louis, Captain Lyon at once 
called upon Mr. Blair, and from him learned the exact 
condition of affairs, both in the city and throughout the 
State. Thus between these two men was formed an 
intimacy, which speedily ripened into the warmest 
friendship and the most profound mutual respect and 
confidence. As the plot thickened, and the changing 
days developed new conditions, Blair was the trusted, 
confidential adviser, sought for in every instance, and in 
every instance upholding and sustaining. This confi- 
dence, this reliance, this friendship was never weakened 
by the clashing of opposing opinions, or by the selfish- 
ness which generally obtains in men flattered by official 
position and power. 

LYON AND THE SAFETY COMMITTEE. 

Captain Lyon also sought acquaintance with the mem- 
bers of the Safety Committee, and with them frequently 
visited the several armories where the Union Guard were 

* Sco Appendix, General Sherman's speech. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 59 

secretly drilling, or awaiting orders to disperse. On 
many occasions he acted as drill-master, and took great 
interest in the establishment of proper discipline. He 
met quite often, in their secret meetings, with the prom- 
inent Republicans of the city, and was a source of great 
comfort and hope to many of the timid, by his thorough 
comprehension of the situation, and his cheerful declara- 
tion of ability to remain its master. 

REVIEW OF LYON'S CHARACTER. 

When Lyon entered the St. Louis arsenal, his character 
was already formed. He had learned the business of a 
soldier by hard service in the Seminole and Mexican 
wars, and in fighting Indians in California and on the 
Plains. 

In his profession he had sustained himself as an officer 
of skill and energy, and of undaunted bravery. He was 
reputed a man of great force of character, and of active 
thought. He was bold, yet cautious ; his boldness avoid- 
ing temerity, as his caution gave no savor of cowardice. 
His courage was not, as it is in some, mere brute force ; 
it was more the result of pride and active self-conscious- 
ness. At Contreras (where he attempted by a bold dash 
to capture a battery), and at the Belen Gate (where he 
was wounded), he acted upon deliberation. He recog- 
nized the mandates of duty and exulted in obedience, 
yet he held there were instances in history where obe- 
dience was criminal. Devoted to his calling, he was 
jealous of its reputation, as well as of his own, and in 
his exercise of command he never forgot to be a gentle- 
man. 

During the years which intervened from 1841 to I860, 
there were many hours in which he had availed himself 
of the opportunity to improve in intellectual attainments. 
His writings (or rather " squibs " for a country news- 



60 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

paper) do not display his mental possibilities; and 
yet there is a vigor and a consciousness of reasoning 
about them which betray the characteristics of consider- 
able genius. His letters, his official orders and instruc- 
tions, all evince a desire to avoid display. His anxiety 
was to secure your understanding by straight marches to 
your reason ; and so he accomplished that, others were 
left to excite the emotional nature, if they chose to do so, 
by reaches into the realms of poetry and romance. 

This latter is apparent in his manifest scorn to adopt 
any device to accomplish even the best object. For a 
paper published in 1860, called the " Manhattan Express," 
he wrote an article in favor of the Republican cause, in 
which I find the following : " We prefer to advocate our 
principles, and win support for them by their own com- 
mendable features, rather than expose and denounce the 
detestable iniquities of our opponents, for the purpose 
of creating an aversion toward them." This is the lan- 
guage of a generous nature, free from guile. 

As they came to understand Lyon better, the Union- 
ists became jubilant and more confident. He was, what 
was wanted at the time, a man of unquestionable loyalty 
and patriotism. Such was his exhibition of zeal and 
energy, so completely did he enter into the very spirit 
and work of the real Unionists, so thoroughly did he 
seem to grasp the question at issue and understand the 
necessities of the case, that he left no room for doubt or 
equivocation. His soldierly bearing and scholarly cul- 
ture were not the only incentives to the respect and 
esteem he so absolutely commanded. He had a clear 
perception of what was required. He saw the chivalry 
in arms, arrogant and presumptuous, determined on 
victory; if not to be achieved by threats, then by force. 
He despised their threats, as he sought the means to 
resist and overcome their force. He knew them to be as 



AXD MISSOURI IN 1861. 61 

self-confident as they were insolent. In Kansas he had 
seen their disregard of law, and their contempt for order. 
He had ever before him the reply of Brooks to the argu- 
ment of Sumner, and the apotheosis of the ruffian. He 
knew that the time had come for fight, and that every 
delay but prolonged the struggle. It was a good thing 
for Charleston that Moultrie and Sumter were not com- 
manded by Nathaniel Lyon ; not, perhaps, that he 
would certainly have prevented the capture of those 
forts, but they would have been defended with more 
dignity ; and if South Carolina rebels had prevented 
him from provisioning his posts, there would have been 
another Camp Jackson or a desolated Charleston. What 
was his own life to the lesson such conduct would fur- 
nish to future times ! 

Short in stature, of slender build, face long and nar- 
row, but full, high forehead, spreading out from the base, 
with every phrenological organ well defined ; coarse 
sandy hair, and whiskers almost red ; keen, deep-set 
blue eyes ; an expression of countenance now thought- 
ful, now luminous, never troubled ; in manner quick, 
nervous, yet always with seeming consideration — such 
was the outer man. In his social intercourse with men, 
he was genial and obliging; his conversation at times 
sparkled with originality and genuine wit. In the com- 
pany of any capable of talking with him intelligently, 
he spoke with great earnestness and enthusiasm. There 
was no craft or guile about him. You knew at once 
exactly what he wanted and what he meant ; and yet, 
to serve any great purpose, he could be reticent enough. 
No man more than he loved good company. In his 
habits he was perfectly plain ; he never troubled himself 
about his mess ; a bed, a cot, the floor, the ground, all 
the same, as, when sleep came, he found either. 

Among the authors, his great favorite was Shakespeare. 



62 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

He could quote it from memory by the hour. He sought 
with avidity what are called " standard works," and 
read history as if in the personal presence of its actors. 
He betrayed deep emotion when suggestions occasioned 
the review of some noble acts, performed by earth's 
heroes in the past ; and under the inspiring influence of 
their sufferings and persecutions, he himself resolved to 
dare and do. One, to hear him, when thus excited by 
the noblest instincts of human nature, would almost 
imagine he was in the cell when Socrates drank the 
hemlock ; with Luther when, in obedience to conviction, 
he defied the power of the Roman Church ; with Hamp- 
den when he repudiated the assumptions of the Crown 
and fell, fighting for the right, at Chalgrove. This self- 
identification with historic characters moved him to 
loftier effort in his own sphere of action. He felt, indeed, 
as if " forty generations were looking down upon him." 
So he performed his duty, he cared very little for human 
notice ; and when he felt called upon, in the interest of 
truth, to do a certain thing, he never hesitated to assume 
any responsibility. We shall learn this as this narrative 
progresses. 

I have heard it said that Lyon was an atheist. They 
are ignorant of the man who assert this of him. He had 
profound reverence for the Bible ; and when, at Boon- 
ville, he was called upon to decide the fate of some 
youths whom he had taken prisoners, he dismissed 
them, after presenting most of them with copies of the 
Bible, which had been forwarded by some religious asso- 
ciation. Atheist ! why his whole life was a recognition 
of the Divine ! 

No man cared less for the applause of men ; no man 
sought more the approval of his own conscience. 
But he was no theologian, and cared very little for the 
Churches. He felt there was a Supreme Being, omnipres- 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 63 

ent and omniscient, who cared for him, and who upheld 
him, and whose divine purpose moves with myste- 
rious power through human history. The flower blos- 
soming by the wayside, the busy crowds along the city 
thoroughfare, all served some great purpose of the Divine. 
But he cared very little for philosophical interpretations. 
He would not quarrel with you as to names ; you might 
call that divinity Brahma, or Vishnu, or God. He 
would not assert nor deny, and confessed bewilderment 
whenever he engaged in religious argument. Therefore 
he declined to argue. He agreed with you as to the 
" Great First Cause ; " why force him to recognize human 
utterances ? He felt the Divine within him, moving him 
to stand by the right; and around him, in every demon- 
stration of nature, in day and night, the changing seasons 
and the rolling years. He surrendered himself to an 
impenetrable mystery, confident of his own helplessness, 
and that all would come right if he did right. He stud- 
ied abstract philosophy only to become more undecided 
as to form ; but he never failed to hear the " beatings 
of the Great Heart of the universe." Lyon was not dis- 
posed to look upon the dark side of current events. The 
past was productive, to be sure, of much evil, but out of 
that very evil there has been evolved much good. Star- 
chamber sentences of persecution and death, had caused 
the embarkation at Delft Haven, and the struggle which 
followed it, in New England, between civilization and bar- 
barism. The encroachments of monarchy gave Hampden 
and Washington to history, and to ourselves nationality. 
He saw the inordinate ambition of the slaveholder, invok- 
ing the agency of civil war; and, anticipating Sumter, he 
prophesied immediate universal freedom. As in the 
natural world, by an eternal law,black clouds must altern- 
ate with golden sunshine, so in the moral, oppressive 
tendencies must pass away before the sublimities of 



64 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

great popular reactions. Gocd out of everything 
What a beautiful faith ! In what a glorious light to 
move and act ! Good, working in a ceaseless current 
through every time ! Good ! even out of that desolation 
which sat in triumph over Calvary; out of dark and 
bloody ages ; out of this stupendous rebellion, with its 
cost of blood and tears ! 



When he arrived at the arsenal, the flag of the rebel- 
lion was flying from the roof of the Berthold mansion. 
He had no force at his command to tear it down. 
Nothing grieved him so much, for there was nothing on 
earth that he loved so much as the insignia of the Re- 
public. Maintaining the honor of that flag, he had 
" many times and oft " risked his life in the heat of awful 
battle. The utter contempt exhibited by the traitors 
for the " Stars and Stripes," their efforts to humiliate and 
trample upon them, was one of the most singular anom- 
alies of that causeless rebellion. 

A HUNGARIAN LEGEND. 

There is a Hungarian legend which runs somewhat in 
this wise : In a village near the Turkish frontier of 
Hungary, there was a cathedral, which of itself pos- 
sessed no peculiar merit attractive to the stranger, but 
which was noted far and wide for its possession of an 
organ, of peculiar sweetness and volume. Pilgrims from 
every section delighted in its wonderful melody and ex- 
quisite workmanship. Some saint, it was thought, pre- 
sided at the keys, some holy atmosphere glided through 
the pipes. News came that the Turks were advancing 
upon Hungary, and the villagers were flying in every 
direction. But some faithful few, more devoted than the 
rest, sought to preserve the beloved organ from the sac- 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 65 

rilegious hands of the infidel. And so at night, when 
the storm-king reigned, and the tempest drove its char- 
iots fiercely through the Hungarian forest, they took the 
organ out into the neighboring swamp and buried it 
there. Time "passed on; war gave way to peace; the 
Turks retired to their own dominions, and the wander- 
ing villagers returned to their homes ; but upon search- 
ing for the organ it could nowhere be found. Those who 
had consigned it to the swamp were dead, and no living 
hand could point out its secret resting-place. The le- 
gend goes on to say that at night, when the storm rages 
with fearful violence, and the lightning and the thunder 
strike terror to the heart of the weary and wayworn 
traveler journeying through that dismal forest, an organ 
of indescribable elegance, and blazing with light, arises 
out of the adjacent swamp, and discourses to the startled 
ear music of the most bewitching sweetness. So this 
old starry banner of ours, rich with the recollection of 
Revolutionary times, trampled and spat upon by insolent 
traitors, echoed the eloquence of ancient valor along the 
ranks of our own volunteers, and inspired the children 
of the North to the performance of deeds of imperish- 
able glory. 

LYON" AT THE ARSENAL. 

Captain Lyon was soon re-enforced by some forty men 
under Lieut. Lothrop, and an additional squad of unas- 
signed recruits, from Newport and Jefferson Barracks. 
Also, Captain Saxton soon arrived with more men, and 
Captain Totten, who had surrendered Little Rock. 
Sweeney (promoted to a captaincy in February), Saxton, 
Lothrop, and Lyon himself engaged earnestly in the 
work of organizing the force at hand, and subjecting 
them to proper drill and discipline. Upon the Safety 
Committee devolved the work of watching the con- 
spirators in the city, while Lyon engaged himself to 



66 

protect the .arsenal. He soon saw that he was powerless 
in case of the anticipated attack, and met with no sym- 
pathy from Major Hagner, who commanded the post. 
To remedy this, Mr. Blair, failing to get prompt re- 
sponses to his important letters to Washington, con- 
cluded to visit the national Capital in person, for the pur- 
pose of securing for Captain Lyon the necessary authority 
to act in any emergency as circumstances might demand. 
Previous to visiting Washington, Mr. Blair saw Mr. 
Lincoln at Springfield, and made him fully to understand 
not only the conduct and the designs of the secessionists, 
but also the firm determination of the Union men and 
their intended action. The following letter, written by 
Captain Lyon shortly after Mr. Blair's departure, will 
explain affairs in the arsenal at that time : 

[copy.] 

St. Louis Arsenal, Feb. 25, 1861 
Hon. F. P. Blair, Jr., Washington, D. C. : 

Dear Sir — I have recently written to Major Hunter, 
who, you must know, accompanied Mr. Lincoln to 
Washington, upon the wants of the service here, and 
with the hope that through his energy and zeal the 
proper measures might be adopted to meet existing 
emergencies here. The subject-matter, and which I 
stated to you verbally, I will here repeat, for such con- 
sideration and action as you may think it deserves. 

It is obvious that the fine stone wall inclosing our 
grounds affords us an excellent defense against attack, 
if we will take advantage of it ; and for this purpose plat- 
forms should be erected for our men to stand on and fire 
over ; and that artillery should be ready at the gates, to 
be run out and sweep down a hostile force ; and sand-bags 
should be prepared and at hand to throw up a parapet 
to protect the parties at these pieces of artillery ; inside, 
pieces should be placed to rake the whole length, and 
sweep down on each side a party that should get over the 
walls, traverses being erected to protect parties at these 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. G7 

pieces ; a pretty strong field-work, with three heavy- 
pieces, should be erected on the side toward the river, 
to oppose either a floating battery or one that might be 
established on the island ; and finally, besides works 
about our houses, every building should be mined, with 
a train arranged so as to blow them up successively as 
occupied by the enemy. Major Hagner refuses, as I 
mentioned to you, to do any of these things, and has 
given his orders not to fly to the walls to repel an 
approach, but to let the enemy have all the advantages 
of the wall to lodge himself behind it, and get possession 
of all outside buildings overlooking us, and to get inside 
and under shelter of our outbuildings, which we are not 
to occupy before we make resistance. This is either 

imbecility or d d villainy; and in contemplating the 

risks we run, and the sacrifices we must make in case of 
an attack, in contrast to the vigorous and effective 
defense we are capable of, and which, in view of the 
cause of our country and humanity, the disgrace and 
degradation to which the Government has been subject 
by pusillanimity and treachery, we are now called upon 
to make, I get myself into a most unhappy state of solic- 
itude and irritability. With even less force and proper 
disposition, I am confident we can resist any force which 
can be brought against us ; by which I mean such force as 
would not be overcome by our sympathizing friends out- 
side. These needful dispositions, with proper industry, 
can be made in twenty-four hours. There cannot be, as 
you know, a more important occasion, nor a better 
opportunity to strike an effective blow at this arrogant 
and domineering infatuation of secessionism, than here ; 
and must this all be lost, by either false notions of duty 
or covert disloyalty ? As I have said, Major Hagner has 
no right to the command, and, under the sixty-second arti- 
cle of war, can only have it by a special assignment of the 
President, which I do not believe has been made ; but that 
the announcement of Gen. Scott that the command be- 
longs to Major Hagner is his own decision, and done in his 
usual sordid spirit of partisanship and favoritism to pets, 
and personal associates, and toadies ; nor can he, even in 
the present straits of the country, rise above this, in 
earnest devotion to justice and the wants of his country. 



68 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

If Mr. Lincoln chooses to be deceived in this respect, as 
I fear he will be, he will yet repent of it in misfortune 
and sorrow ; for neither supercilious conceit nor unscru- 
pulous tyranny was ever a vail for patriotism or ability. 
Major Hagner is not accustomed to troops, and manages 
them here awkwardly ; but this is nothing compared to 
the great matter in hand, and, as I have plainly told him, 
this is of much more importance than that either he or I 
should conduct it. You may see in the Missouri Demo- 
crat of the 23d an account of our defenses, which sets 
forth what .ought to be our state, but not what it is, and 
was given to frighten the secessionists. A simple order, 
countermanding that assigning Major Hagner to duty 
according to brevet rank- would 2;ive me command. 
With a view to defense here, it would be well to add 
that I should assume control, and avail myself of all 
means available for the purpose. With respect to those 
men discharged, either an investigation should be 
ordered, or all who remain be discharged; this latter 
would be the better plan, and save Government an 
expense for which they are rendering no necessary or 
compensating service. 

If I should have command, I would have no trouble to 
arm any assisting party, and perhaps, by becoming re- 
sponsible for the arms, &c, I might fit out the regiment 
we saw at the garden the other day ; but most, I 
concern myself with a view to sustain the Government 
here, and trust to such measures as may be found avail- 
able. 

Yours truly, 

K. LYON. 

LYON IN COMMAND OF THE ARSENAL DEFENSES. 

Mr. Blair, in Washington, did not succeed with the 
Buchanan administration in effecting the objects of his 
journey; but as soon as Mr. Lincoln got the machinery 
of his own administration started, he ordered that Cap- 
tain Lyon be placed in charge of the defenses of the 
arsenal. The order reached General Harney about the 
middle of March, and was construed by that officer in 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 69 

its literal sense, viz. • that Captain Lyon's command 
included only the troops in the arsenal and that par- 
ticular post. By instructions of General Harney, there- 
fore, Major Hagner issued the following : 
[copy.] 
St. Louis Arsenal, March 19, 1861. 
Post Order No. 58. 

In compliance with Special Order No. 74, War De- 
partment, Adjutant-General's Office, dated Washington, 
March 13, 1861, assigning to Captain N. Lyon, Second 
Infantry, the command of the troops and defenses of 
this post, the undersigned turns over to Captain Lyon 
all command and responsibility, not appertaining to the 
commanding officer of the arsenal and his duties as an 
officer of ordnance. 

By order of Major Hagner, 

M. H. WRIGHT, 
Lieutenant and JPost Adjutant. 

HE IS THWARTED BY HAGNER. 

Captain Lyon assumed command, in accordance with 
the above, but, in his endeavors to prepare suitable 
defenses, found himself thwarted. This occasioned the 
following letter, written on the morning of April 6 : 

[copy.] 
St. Louis Arsenal, April 6, 1861. 
Dear Sir — I am aware that I am indebted to you for 
changing the command of the troops at this post ; and 
though anxious for it, in view of what I regarded the in- 
terest of the service, I was so upon the ground of being 
untrammeled in the use of the means available for the 
purpose. But with the orders of General Harney, a copy 
of which I inclose, I fear little has been gained, while I 
am in the awkward position of being held responsible 
for the defense of the place, without having the means 
for it. As you will see, I have no control of the ord- 
nance department, and therefore cannot take a single 
round of ammunition, nor a piece of artillery, or any other 



70 GEN. 

firearm, without the direction of General Harney ; and in 
case of an attack various means not foreseen might sug- 
gest themselves, but which I could not obtain without 
taking them forcibly, which would place us here in a 
state of antagonism toward one another, at a time when 
harmony would be most needed and expected. In an- 
ticipating an attack, I would distribute troops for the 
night in buildings most needed for defense, and where 
position would be most important ; but Major Hagner 
has charge of all the buildings, and occupies most of 
them with his ordnance stores and business, which, how- 
ever, need not be materially disturbed by my wants ; 
but I cannot get these buildings for even the most im- 
portant interests of the service, without a struggle before 
General Harney, who seems to think there is no danger 
of an attack, and would, as he has already done, advise 
me not to urge these measures of defense. I cannot get 
a hammer, spade, ax, or any needful tool, but upon 
Major Hagner's concession, or by making requisition 
upon General Harney and getting his orders, and then 
getting issues made in conformity thereto. I had hoped 
to have entire control of the means available here for the 
defense of the post, and for sustaining the Government 
authority here; but with Major Hagner in control of 
these means, and controlled only through General Har- 
ney upon my requisitions, and, furthermore, liable to 
oppose me with his men and means in our greatest ex- 
tremities. I feel embarrassed, and would be glad of any 
relief from this anomaly, even if the service cannot be 
bettered. But I fear the monopoly of the ordnance de- 
partment is somewhat a power above the Government, 
with which the Government is afraid to deal, so as to 
secure its own interests irrespective of individual clamor. 
Or, if, indeed, in giving me authority, such precautions 
must be taken against my abusing it that I can make 
no good use of it, let it revert to some one more com- 
petent. I have felt disposed to remonstrate officially 
against this awkwardness, but have been restrained by 
the idea that, as matters have heretofore been, there was 
no great need of troubling myself with defenses here, 
and that I laid myself liable to rebuke for gratuitous 
concern for Government interests which those of higher 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 71 

rank and responsibility do not feel. And, in fact, being 
under orders to go up to Fort Leavenworth, before a 
Court of Inquiry there on the 15th instant, I supposed 
whatever I might wish and do in the meantime might, 
in other hands, be perverted, or fell short of an efficient 
application, and my ardor has been somewhat abated. 
But the new organization of the Metropolitan Police 
system seems to embolden the secessionists so much as 
to fill me with deep concern to be prepared for them, 
and I am on this account prompted to write you. Of 
course, in all military matters there should be one com- 
mander, and no such absurd thing as a division that shall 
render it liable to an entire perversion of its purposes. 
If I am to command, I should have entire control for 
my purposes, as I should, on the other hand, render entire 
obedience to any proper and legal authority exercised 
over me. If you think this matter worthy of attention, 
I would like you to make such suggestions to the War 
Department as the subject requires. 

As the matter now stands, would it not be well for the 
Secretary of War to order that his Special Order No. 74, 
giving me command of the troops and defenses at this 
post, should have no exception in men and means neces- 
sary for this purpose ? I regret I have been obliged to 
obtrude so much upon your attention, and with many 
thanks for your personal kindness, believe me, 
Yours truly, 

N. LYON. 
Hon. F. P. Blair, Jr., Washington, D. C. 

The following letter will also explain the condition of 
affairs at the arsenal and in the city : 

St. Louis, April 6, 1861. 
Friend Frank — Foy and myself have just returned 
from the arsenal. We found there two commanders in 
charge. General Harney has placed a construction on 
the order giving command to Captain Lyon, whereby he 
has no command over the artillery and ordnance stores. 
There is something wrong. General Scott has made 
an order that Lyon shall appear at Fort Leavenworth in 
a few days. Things are in such a fix here that aye 



72 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

cannot spake him at present. You will see the necessity 
of having the court postponed. We do not think that 
Major Hagner, who is in command of the ordnance, 
can be relied on, as he says he does not consider it his 
duty to act until an assaulting party gets inside the walls. 
What * * * * are the walls for, if not to protect the 
arsenal ? There is less than 400 troops, all told, at the arse- 
nal, with plenty of room for 500 more. But Captain Lyon 
has no control over the buildings where he would like 
to place his men in case of necessity. . The ****** 
secessionists are in great glee. A friend told me this 
morning there was a talk at Jacoby's that they would 
not allow Foy to take charge of the Post Office. I did 
not tell Foy, but we want force enough to give them a 
lively time. You certainly will see the necessity of 
seeing that Lyon has full command of the arsenal, with 
privilege of furnishing arms to those friendly to the 

f»ni"lCp *** *•* *** *** "** *** *** *'* "•* *& 

Truly and sincerely yours, 

CHARLES M. ELLEARD. 

Hon. F. P. Blair, Jr., Washington City. 



LYON TO BLAIR HE HAS NO CONFIDENCE IN ARMY 

OFFICERS WHO SURRENDER, WITHOUT RESISTANCE, 
TO UNDISCIPLINED MOBS. 

St. Louis, April 6, 1861. 

Dear Sir — Since writing you to-day I have seen Gen- 
eral Harney, and had a long free talk with him, and he 
seems alive to the present state of things, and has 
ordered Hagner to issue me and provide such items as I 
have specified, and which I could foresee now as neces- 
sary, and seems to regret that I am under any trammels 
in respect to him ; by which I am led to think that his 
order, or letter of instructions of March 9, a copy of 
which I inclose, was founded on instructions from 
Washington. He expressed very strongly a wish that 
Hagner was out of the way, so as to put me free from 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 73 

his incumbrance. He is to come down to-morrow and 
confer upon measures of defense. 



Yours truly, 



Hon. F. P. Blair, Jr., Washington, D.C. 



N. LYON. 



P.S. — I would advise our new War Department to 
suspend from official authority all those officers who have 
given up arsenals, forts, troops, &c, to the enemy, till 
an official investigation shall acquit them of blame. This 
is necessary to show that the Government has some reso- 
lution, and would have a wholesome effect upon the 
rest of the army, and would likely subdue the semi- 
secession spirit of the officers from Southern States, still 
remaining in the army, who by the examples given of 
yielding up Government property, see that they can with 
impunity hold their places in the army, only to subserve 
this secession work. The new administration will have 
much on its hands, but as the wrongs of Kansas have 
been the foundation and main capital of the Republican 
party, her condition should be attended to ; and I refer 
now to this matter because I have so lately seen some- 
thing there of the action of the corrupt officials of the 
Buchanan administration. The Indian agents, Clover 
and Cowert, should at once be dismissed ; as also the Com- 
missioner, Greenwood. He and Cowert, as you may 
remember, perpetrated that inhumanity of turning peo- 
ple out of doors and burning their houses, under pre- 
tense of their having violated Indian treaties, but yet 
pro-slavery men were undisturbed. Two men, notorious 
for their border-ruffian outrages upon Kansas people, 
were rewarded by an appointment each, as a sutler ; one, 
whose name is Gordon, for Fort Larned, and the other, 
Miller, for Fort Wise ; these appointments were both 
made by Secretary Floyd, and in violation of the army 
regulations ; both should be promptly removed. * * 

Yours, &c, 

N. LYON. 

Hon. F. P. Blair. 
4 



74 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

TUP: LEAVENWORTH ORDER REVOKED. 

Through influences "brought to "bear upon him at Wash- 
ington, General Scott revoked the order sending Lyon to 
Fort Leavenworth. When the secesh heard of the revo- 
cation, they were almost disheartened. By some means 
or other, it is supposed, they had heard of the order, and 
the more garrulous boasted of their influence in having 
Lyon removed. But such a calamity was fortunately 
averted, and Lyon remained, to give encouragement, 
advice, and aid to Union men, and a means of safety to 
the arsenal itself. A system of signals was established, 
by which the Union men of the city and the Captain at 
the arsenal could instantly acquaint each other with the 
movements of the enemy. The arsenal buildings were 
undermined ; bags of sand procured ; banquettes ar- 
ranged ; batteries put into position ; holes made in the 
wall, through which to point cannon ; guards established 
at the gates, and a strict surveillance instituted over all 
persons desiring admission. 

THE ARSENAL TO BE SAVED, WITH OR WITHOUT GOVERN- 
MENT ORDERS. 

During the interval between Planner's refusal to com- 
ply with the desires of Lyon, and the issuance of instruc- 
tions by Harney for Lyon's requisitions to be filled, the 
Union leaders were quite uneasy as to the safety of the 
arsenal. Several gentlemen, among whom were Messrs. 
Broadhead, O. D. Filley, Witzig, Cavender, and Har- 
ding, visited Captain Lyon, and conversed with him con- 
cerning Major Hagner. Rumors were rife at the time 
of an intended attack upon the arsenal by the minute-men, 
backed by companies from North Missouri, and along 
the Iron Mountain Railroad. Lyon expressed his doubts 
as to Hagner's loyalty, and his own determination to dis- 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 75 

regard everything necessary to save the arsenal. Mr. 
Broadhead remarked that, as Hagner controlled the ord- 
nance then in the arsenal, he held a very dangerous 
power, and might play into the hands of the secessionists. 
Lyon replied, that if he caught him endeavoring to aid 
Jackson in his treason, by surrendering the arsenal, under 
any pretense whatever, he would throw him into the river. 
Mr. Cavender remarked that what was necessary was the 
arming of the Union men, then thoroughly organized, in 
case of attack, but that could not be done while Hag- 
ner held control. To this Lyon replied : " Major Hag- 
ner has control of the stores in this arsenal, but he treats 
me and my men like dogs, hardly giving us what is indis- 
pensably necessary. However, those men yonder (point- 
ing to his company then on parade) are under my com- 
mand, and if the necessity arises, you shall have the 
guns." Thus assured, the Union men rejoicingly pursued 
the even tenor of their way. 

SECESH SIGNALS UNDERSTOOD. 

Lyon, through the Safety Committee, was thoroughly 
apprised of the current facts and rumors of the city. 
Whether it were correct or not, they received a report of 
the proceedings of every meeting held by the conspira- 
tors, unless they were meetings of some small clique 
held impromptu. The following is a specimen of the 
communications frequently received by their secret 
agents : 



St. Louis, February 28, 1861. 

Mr. O. D. Filley — Form of oath and secret signals of 
the secessionists agreed upon last night, in their secret 
session : 

a You solemnly swear that you will obey the rules of 



76 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

this organization, and that you will not divulge any of 
its secrets, so help you God." 

Red pieces of paper of this form (diamond), scat- 
tered or posted up simultaneously over the city, 
means to convene (day-time) immediately. 

Red pieces of this form, as above, to convene at 
8J, A. M. 

Red pieces of this form, as above, to convene at 
12, M. 

White pieces of this form, as above, to convene at 
10, P. M, 

White pieces of this form, as above, to convene at 
H, P. M. 

A blue rocket, and one gun fired (at night), means to 
convene immediately. 

Yours, * * * 

Whether the above be the genuine signals agreed upon 
or not, it is quite certain that something of the kind was 
adopted by the conspirators. Reports also came in of 
arms and cannon being stored in various parts of the 
city. Jt was not yet time to institute a search after 
munitions of war and Lyon was not so rash as to under- 
take such a movement without authority from the Gen- 
eral Government or his more immediate commander, 
General Harney, and from neither was it at all likely 
such orders would emanate. 

TRICK OF THE SECESH TO SPY INTO AFFAIRS AT THE 
ARSENAL. 

On the 10th of April, James L. Jones, United States 
Marshal for the Western District of Missouri, accompa- 
nied by W. F. McBride, M. II. McFarland, Boyd M. 
McCrary, J. W. Murray, James S. Rains, Jeremiah 
Philips, and D. F. Martin, presented themselves at the 
western gate of the arsenal, and demanded entrance of 
the guard, as Grand Jurors of the United States Circuit 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 77 

Court. The sergeant of the guard told the gentlemen to 
wait until he could notify Captain Lyon. Before lie 
returned the aforementioned grand jurors, feeling their 
dignity soiled by being obliged to wait the pleasure of a 
" Yankee Captain," retired in disgust, and Captain Lyon 
visited the gate to find no one in waiting. The "grand 
jurors" (aforementioned) found relief for the "pent-up 
LTtica" of their injured feelings by publishing to the 
world that they had, in the effort to discharge their 
duties, called upon Captain Lyon to inspect the arsenal, 
but were kept waiting so long at the gate that they 
withdrew. They also intimated that the delay was occa- 
sioned by Captain Lyon remaining to get his men under 
arms. In response to their card, Captain Lyon thought 
proper to publish the following : 

[From the Missouri Democrat, April 13, 1861.] 

St. Louis Arsenal, April 12, 1861. 
To the Editors of the Missouri Democrat: 

Concerning the delay, at the gate, of the United States 
Marshal and several members of the Grand Jury, impan- 
eled for the April term of the United States Circuit 
Court, on presenting themselves for admittance to the 
grounds of this post, as referred to in your paper of to- 
day and yesterday, I deem it proper to observe that, 
under the present extraordinary circumstances of the 
country, the usual free ingress permitted at military sta- 
tions of the Government is stopped here, and will so 
remain until a change is thought proper. Persons wish- 
ing to see officers here, either socially or on business, and 
appearing in usual numbers for such purposes, are admit- 
ted. Other parties wanting admittance will be governed 
by special orders, to be given to the sergeant of the 
guard at the gate, upon his report concerning applica- 
tions. Such was the case with the United States Mar- 
shal and his party, and which could not have been fore- 
seen or provided for ; and the sergeant in charge at the 
gate, on reporting, was directed to return to the gate 
and say to them that I would meet them at the gate 



78 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

immediately ; but before the sergeant returned they had 
gone. On arriving at the gate soon after, the sergeant 
so reported to me, and gave me a card left by the party. 
Soon after this two gentlemen, named Murray and 
Monroe, I think, called at my quarters, having obtained 
admittance without difficulty, and stated they were a 
part of the United States Grand Jury, and in coming a 
little behind the other party expected to meet them here ; 
and I then told them what had occurred, as above stated, 
and that I regretted they had not come in. I then vol- 
untarily and gratuitously stated that I understood the 
party was a City Marshal and Grand Jury, and though 
this did not delay the return of the sergeant, for which 
they did not wait, I thought proper, under existing cir- 
cumstances, to direct, before I went to the gate, a look- 
out for any emergency this seemingly singular arrival 
might require. No order was issued to put the men 
under arms, nor was any delay to answer the application 
for admittance occasioned from fear of spies or seces- 
sionists. 

Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

N. LYON", 
Captain Second Infantry, 
Commanding troops. 

It was fortunate that the guard made the mis- 
take of saying the City Marshal instead of the United 
States Marshal. If Lyon had known personally who 
the individuals were who thus sought to make an 
inspection of the arsenal grounds, he would not have 
allowed them in that place while he held the power to 
keep them out. No "Grand Jury" subterfuge would 
have availed them. The mistake caused Lyon to ascer- 
tain the political character of those "grand jurors," 
and he learned enough, particularly as to James S. Rains, 
to satisfy himself that, if Mr. Rains ever got inside the 
arsenal, it would be after a terrible struggle, or as a 
captive. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 79 



RUMORS OF AN ATTACK. 



And now, having obtained, after much anxiety and 
patient, earnest effort, the necessary means and author- 
ity to defend himself, Lyon increased his vigilance, and 
completed his plans for better self-protection. The seces- 
sionists, finding that with the arrival of Lyon their dar- 
ling scheme of taking the arsenal, through a sly trick 
upon the Government, by the agency of a traitorous 
ordnance officer, was no longer practicable, talked boldly 
of wresting it from the authorities by force of arms, and 
Lyon received information from several sources that the 
night was decided upon for an attack. This information 
came in such shape that it was fully believed, and Lyon 
had his men under arms the entire night. About three 
thousand of the Union Guards were also on hand, in 
quarters near the arsenal, ready, at a given signal, to 
obey well understood orders, previously arranged 
between Lyon and the Safety Committee. But there 
was no attack ; no sign even of an intended attack ; and 
the " Citizens' Guard " passed the night in their secret 
armories, drinking Staehlin's lager, and singing songs 
that they had learned in the " Vater-land." In the arsenal 
all was quiet, save when the stillness of the night was 
disturbed by the tramp of the relieving guards. 

LYON AMONG UNION MEN. 

After his arrival Captain Lyon attendee], the sessions 
of the Safety Committee, and many of the conferences 
of leading Union men, at their several places of meeting ; 
he also visited the several military companies, and 
instructed them in drill or exhorted them to persevere in 
the line of duty. He was always ready with words of 
hope and encouragement. The members of the Safety 
Committee were continually visiting him at the arsenal ; 



80 

and any known prudent Unionist was always welcome. 
Thus there was established among the Union men the 
most perfect confidence and trust in Lyon ; and the lat- 
ter, by his patriotism and enthusiastic expression of 
attachment for Republican institutions, inspired all who 
approached him with a firmer determination to devote 
life and property, if need be, in the defense of the nation. 
Lyon himself eagerly sought the Safety Committee for 
advice and support, and took no step not sanctioned by 
its members. He entered heartily into the policy of the 
committee, and conducted himself to the entire satisfac- 
tion of every loyal man. 

THE POLICY OF MR. BLAIR AND THE SAFETY COMMITTEE. 

It must be remembered that James Buchanan was 
yet President ; that the army was in the hands of dis- 
loyal men; that the position of General Scott was not 
fully understood ; that Claib Jackson was Governor of 
Missouri ; that nearly every office-holder of the State, and 
a large majority of the militia officers, were either disloyal 
or in strong sympathy with the disloyal. The popular 
belief in Missouri was that there would be no war unless 
the "abolitionists" took the initiative. Even while 
Southern traitors were robbing United States mints and 
United States arsenals ; while State after State was se- 
ceding, and Beauregard was piling up his offensive 
works against Sumter ; while secessionists were driving 
Union men from Arkansas and Missouri, and imprisoning 
Northern people in Southern jails ; while rebel flags were 
being raised in all parts of the State, and vast quantities 
of powder were being secured by rebel leaders — the 
popular belief remained that there would be no war un- 
less the abolitionists initiated it. It was for Sumter to 
startle them from this dream. 

The Union men had all this to consider. Mr. Blair 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 81 

knew that the delay in attacking the arsenal was because 
of the confidence Jackson and Reynolds had in their 
ability to take it at any moment. He knew that the 
very moment the time should come secessionists would 
inaugurate riot, and Jackson, with the consent of traitor 
officers then in the arsenal, would occupy that place 
with State troops, under the plea of assisting in the pres- 
ervation of Government property from " irresponsible 
mobs." Once there, the State troops would speedily 
make way with the Government arms. This course 
seemed the most feasible, and was perfectly safe from 
the charge of treason. Under the color of law, the State 
would be put in a position of hostility to the Union, and 
yet remain within the Union. This was the most effect- 
ive way to aid secession. It was confidently believed 
by many that any altercation in the streets would ena- 
ble General Harney to so act as to put the Union men 
as offenders against the law ; and that it would be so rep- 
resented at Washington that the Government would re- 
cognize the claims of the State authorities to " put down 
mobs." 

Besides, there were a great many Union men, who, 
though never present at any Union council, though 
never known to say a word in favor of their country, 
were loud in crying for peace. Such men dreaded the 
noise of the streets as much as the clangor of arms. 
They were quiet, good, peaceable citizens, very obedient 
to law (whether Federal or Confederate), upright mem- 
bers of society, and very respectable, and frequently 
wealthy men. But their votes told at the polls ; they 
gave a moral influence to any movement, even if they 
refused to strengthen its physical measures for defense. 
It was a great point to secure this class of men, and it 
took much time and considerable political adroitness. 
Mr. Blair, in view of all these things, counseled pru- 
4* 



82 

clence, moderation, and quiet. Let insult and opprobrium 
be borne for a day or two ; it would not do to give 
Frost a chance to originate riot. Personal injury could 
well be borne until the day should come when resent- 
ment would be prudence, and resistance success. When 
the time should come to remove the rebel flag, when 
the time should come to tear rebel devices from rebel 
breasts, the order would be given by the proper author- 
ity, and flag and device would disappear. 

EXCITEMENT OVER THE REBEL FLAG. 

But an opportunity came very near being offered 
General Frost to take military possession of the city and 
the arsenal, under " the forms of State law," and the 
plea of " protecting Government property " from " irre- 
sponsible mobs." The flag flying over the Berthold man- 
sion gave great offense to the zealous Unionists, and the 
more imprudent contemplated its removal. A loyal 
lady, from her residence opposite the Berthold mansion, 
one day displayed the national flag ; whereupon some two 
or three Union men, who were passing at the time, set 
up a lusty cheer. The minute-men on the opposite 
side hissed the emblem of the Republic, and cheered 
their own bunting. In this way a crowd was gathered ; 
and within an hour's time the streets, for a couple of 
squares adjoining the Berthold mansion were densely 
packed with human beings, loyal and disloyal. Parti- 
sans of each were loud in their threats and denuncia- 
tions, the loyal men demanding that the rebel flag should 
be withdrawn, and the disloyal determined to defend it. 
Mayor Filley, the members generally of the Safety Com- 
mittee, Colonel James S. Moody, Chester Harding, Jr., 
and other prominent citizens exerted their utmost 
powers of argument, persuasion, and locomotion in re- 
straining the excited Unionists from the commission of an 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 83 

overt act. The least accident would have fanned the 
latent spark into a terrible conflagration. Lyon was but 
a subordinate at the arsenal. After many entreaties by 
the thoughtful and intelligent of the Unionists, the rank 
and file accorded obedience. The crowd finally dis- 
persed, and the threatened danger was averted. 

THE FEBRUARY CANVASS. 

The Convention bill having become a law, parties at 
once set to work to control the elections. 

On the 4th day of February, in pursuance of a call 
signed by men of known secession proclivities, as well 
as men of known Union proclivities favorable to " giving 
the South all her constitutional rights," a " Union " con- 
vention was held at Washington Hall, and the following 
gentlemen, under their auspices, became candidates for 
the convention from St. Louis county : 
John D. Coalter, Uriel Wright, 

Henry Overstoltz, D. A. January, 

Albert Todd, J. W. Willis, 

Wm T. Wood, . 1ST. J. Eaton, 

H. S. Turner, L. V. Bogy, 

George Penn, L. M. Kennett, 

H. R. Gamble, P. B. Garesche. 

"Deacon" J. W. Tucker, Tom Snead, and others of 
the clique, at the office of the "Daily Bulletin," the 
secession organ, presented a ticket upon the out-and-out 
secession platform, but before the day of election it was 
quietly withdrawn. 

The unconditional Union men acted with great caution. 
The Republicans, as a general thing, were decidedly in 
favor of putting up a straight-out Republican ticket, upon 
an unconditional Union platform ; but Messrs. Filley, 
How, Broadhead, Glover, Blair, and others of the leaders, 
in view of the magnitude of the occasion, advised a differ- 



84 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

ent course. Mr. Blair explained his anxiety to secure 
the aid of the State generally in behalf of the Union ; and 
it was to be feared that the prejudice against the Repub- 
licans was so powerful that the masses, as well as the 
leaders, who were favorable to the Union, would refuse 
to support a Republican ticket, no matter who were the 
candidates. It was upon this idea that Mr. Blair had 
advised the abandonment of the "Wide Awakes" in 
January, and that he now advised a further abandon- 
ment of the Republican organization in the pending con- 
test. " I don't believe," said a Republican partisan, " in 
breaking up the Republican party, just to please these 
tender-footed Unionists. I believe in sticking to the 
party." 

" Let us have a country first," responded Blair, " and 
then we can talk about parties." 

A meeting of unconditional Union men was held in 
Mercantile Library Hall, January 31, at which Sol. 
Smith, Esq., was made Chairman. Resolutions of the 
genuine Union stamp were passed, and a committee of 
twenty was appointed to present to an adjourned meet- 
ing the names of suitable candidates for the convention. 
This committee of twenty was made up of Bell-Everetts 
and Douglasites. Mr. Blair was in constant consultation 
with this committee, and gave the movement his indorse- 
ment. By the call of the Chairman of the former meeting, 
all unconditional Union men were invited to meet at 
Verandah Hall, on the 6th of February, for the purpose of 
receiving the report of the committee. The meeting was 
largely attended, and the committee of twenty reported 
the following names, as unconditional Union candidates 
for the convention : Ferd. Meyer, George R. Taylor, Dr. 
M. L. Linton, H. R. Gamble, Hudson E. Bridge, John F. 
Long, Sol. Smith, J. H. Shackelford, Uriel Wright, Tur- 
. ner Maddox, William S. Cuddy, James O. Broadhead, 
Isadore Busch, John How, and Henry Hitchcock. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 85 

An effort was made to consider the names separately, 
which might have resulted in discarding several names 
on the ticket, had it not been for the argument of Messrs. 
James S. Knight, A. Mitchell, and Mr. Blair. From 
Messrs. Knight and Mitchell the meeting learned that 
the first three named were " Douglasites," the following 
seven were " Bell-Everetts," and the last four " Black 
Republicans." At this last designation by Mr. Knight a 
storm arose, and cries of " take it back" resounded from all 
parts of the hall. Mr. Knight pleasantly apologized, and 
was in turn cheered. Mr. Blair, in a speech of great 
power, said he did not care what parties gentlemen had 
belonged to. He was for a new party — an unconditional 
Union party — for a party that would stand by the Union 
in any emergency, and he was satisfied with the ticket as 
it was presented. He was for remaining in the Union, and 
in St. Louis too, whether the State went out or not. If 
Missouri seceded, he was for St. Louis seceding from Mis- 
souri; and he wanted all the help he could get to keep 
her in the Union. In the crisis that was upon us, men 
must cease to belong to parties, and belong, for the 
time, to the country. It was not a season to talk about 
individual preferences. What was wanted he felt would 
be cordially granted, and that was a perfect forget fulness 
of party organizations^ in the determination to save the 
Union! 

The motion to consider the names separately was then 
withdrawn, and the whole ticket was nominated amid 
great enthusiasm. Subsequently George R. Taylor, 
William S. Cuddy, and Turner Maddox declined being 
candidates, and T. T. Gantt, Samuel M. Breckenridge, 
and Robert Holmes were selected to fill the ticket. In 
their letters of declination both Taylor and Maddox 
declared their fidelity to the Union cause. This uncon- 
ditional Union ticket was elected on the 1 8th of Febru- 



86 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

ary, in St. Louis county, by nearly six thousand majority. 
Although on the conditional Union ticket, also, Messrs. 
Gamble and Wright committed themselve's to the Union 
under all circumstances. Wright afterwards turned 
traitor, and went South. 

Throughout the State the Union ticket, as opposed to 
the Democratic ticket, was generally successful — the 
aggregate majority amounting to over 80,000. 

It had been anticipated in St. Louis that the minute- 
men and secessionists would attempt to overawe voters 
at the polls, and Major Filley had provided a special 
police force to preserve the peace. This special force 
consisted of whole companies of the Union Guard, 
which Captain Lyon agreed to arm if necessity should 
call for it. But the election passed off in perfect quiet. 

APPOINTMENT OF " PEACE COMMISSIONERS." 

On the 4th of February, the Legislature, by joint reso- 
lution, appointed Waldo P. Johnson, J. D. Coalter, Fer- 
dinand Kennett, Hugh Buckner, A. W. Doniphan, and 
David R. Atchison, commissioners, on the part of Mis- 
souri, to attend the Peace Conference to be held in Wash- 
ington City, for the purpose of arranging " terms of set- 
tlement." It was alleged that a majority of this delega- 
tion were avowed secessionists ; but whether they were 
or not, it is certain the secessionists in Jefferson City 
reposed in them the utmost political confidence. 

GOVERNOR JACKSON REFUSES TO COMMISSION A LOYAL 
OFFICER. 

A new militia company of engineers having been 
formed, to be called the Second Company of National 
Guards, the members proceeded according to military 
law to elect a Captain; which they did in the person of 
George L, Andrews, a member for some past time of the 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 87 

First Company of National Guards. General Frost for- 
warded the result of the election to the Adjutant-Gen- 
eral, but Claib Jackson refused to issue the commission. 
The following will explain the grounds of his refusal : 

[extract.] 

Office Adjutant-General, Mo., ) 
Jefferson City, February 4, 1861, j" 

General D. M. Frost: 

I am instructed by the Governor to say that he de- 
clines issuing a commission to George L. Andrews, Cap- 
tain of Company B, Battalion of Engineers, believing 
the qualifications by him annexed to the oath prescribed 
by law, and his declaration of paramount allegiance to 
the Government of the United States in case of conflict 
between the State of Missouri and said Government, 
to amount to military insubordination in advance, and 
to be inconsistent with the requirements of the law. 
WARWICK HOUGH, 
Adjutant- General of Mo. 

(A true copy.) 
Wm. D. Wood, Major d A. A. G. 

SCENES IN JEFFERSON CITY IN FEBRUARY. 

The conspirators had a " hard road to hoe " in the 
Legislature. There were but fifteen members of that 
body who were, reliably, unconditionally Union. They 
were Stevenson, Hanna, Moore, Coste, Doyle, Cavender, 
Miller, Doehn, Friede, Partridge, and Peckham (Repub- 
licans), from St. Louis, Owens of Franklin, Lawson 
of Washington, and Lawson of Platte, in the House, and 
Dr. Morris in the Senate. There were fifty-three straight- 
out secessionists, and the balance were timid time-servers, 
influenced by surrounding circumstances. Whenever 
the conspirators desired to force through a favored 
measure, they adopted some plan of producing excite- 



88 

merit, and brought all their " whippers-in " to bear at 
the given signal. I will relate an incident of this kind. 

Until within a day or two of the February election 
(18th), the secessionists confidently believed they would 
carry St. Louis ; but they became convinced their cause 
was desperate, and the leaders adopted the plan of over- 
awing the people by means of executive interference. 
They, therefore, on the day before the election, tele- 
graphed the Governor that, unless he interfered, the 
abolitionists would subvert and capture everything. 
Jackson, rushing with the dispatch to the Senate Cham- 
ber, submitted a special message, asking for authority to 
call out the militia, in view of the threatening condition 
of affairs, for the purpose of " keeping the peace " and 
subduing " irresponsible mobs." Churchill, in great 
haste, pushed a bill through the Senate, and had it imme- 
diately introduced into the " lower branch," where Vest 
undertook to act as engineer. An effort was made to 
suspend all business until this " measure of stupendous 
importance " could be disposed of. It was disposed of. 
Thomas L. Price (of Cole county), and John D. Steven- 
son (of St. Louis), so ridiculed the thing that, on the 
motion to " suspend the rules," the vote stood fifty-four 
ayes to thirty-four nays, and the motion was lost, the 
necessary two-thirds not having been recorded in its 
favor. When it could be regularly brought up, the 
election was over. In the Senate, the only opjDonents to 
the bill were Senators 3forrls, Wilson, and JVeioland ; 
eighteen senators voted for it. 

The secessionists in the Legislature, mortified at the 
results of the election and fearing the power of the con- 
vention, introduced resolutions defining the duties of the 
convention under the act calling them together, and 
restricting them from transacting any general business. 
Upon this measure the discussion was so jjrolonged 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 89 

that the matter was dropped. When the convention met 
in Jefferson City, on the 28th of February, it adjourned 
to meet in St. Louis, after three days' session. 

During this time the emblem of the rebellion was sus- 
pended from the window of a building opposite the 
Post Office. Several members of the Legislature made it 
a point to always take off their hats and bow when they 
passed beneath this bunting. I remember Dougherty, 
of Cape Girardeau, as being the most formal, but there 
were others as enthusiastic as himself; none more so 

than Munroe Parsons and Freeman (of Polk county). 

These men are no longer living. 

The Legislature in joint convention, after quite a 
number ol ballotings, elected Waldo P. Johnson, a 
secessionist, in place of James S. Green, whom the timid 
would not vote for. An effort was made to secure 
Senator Thomas B. English to the secession side ; but 
that gentleman addressed the joint session, declaring his 
fidelity to the Union and his opposition to secession. 
He was supported by the moderates. 

On the 1st of March, Mr. Luther N". Glenn presented 
himself in Jefferson City, and at the Executive Mansion, 
as the " Commissioner from the State of Georgia," then 
in rebellion. He was received by Jackson and Reynolds 
with open arms, and promised distinguished considera- 
tion. That night he was honored with a serenade at 
the Virginia Hotel, and in response to the call of the 
assembled crowd, appeared upon the balcony, escorted 
by Governor Jackson. The Governor introduced this 
man as " the Hon. Mr. Glenn, from our Southern sister 
State of Georgia, with whose interests Missouri is eter- 
nally identified." Glenn then spoke at considerable 
length, declaring himself a rebel, and arguing that 
Missouri was in honor bound to sustain the seceded 
States. He was followed by the Governor, who also 



90 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

spoke at considerable length. The burden of the Gov- 
ernor's speech was to the effect that the day for com- 
promises had passed ; the Southern States were obliged, 
in self-defense, to sever their connection with the abo- 
lition North, and Missouri was certain to go with her 
Southern sisters. He could imagine no compromise he 
would accept ; and the most favorable conditions which 
the North could possibly offer would only increase his 
hostility to the Union. 

Both speeches were enthusiastically cheered by the 
crowd, which was largely attended by members both of 
the Legislature and the convention. The next day the 
Senate hurried through a joint resolution, which was at 
once whirled through the House, providing for a joint 
session of the Legislature, to receive in state the Hon- 
orable Commissioner from Georgia. 

CAPTAIN LYON ON THE ALERT. 

The proceedings at Jefferson City, and the conduct of 
secessionists everywhere in the State, were fully commu- 
nicated to Captain Lyon, and awakened within him the 
most serious apprehensions. He conversed freely with 
his friends as to the best policy to pursue. Of one thing 
he expressed himself as fully determined — the arsenal 
property should never be surrendered or taken while he 
remained in a position to prevent it. The force at the 
arsenal had been further increased by the arrival of 
more recruits from Newport Barracks, and other troops, 
under Capt. Saxton and Lieut. Lothrop. Lyon, Sweeney, 
Saxton, and Lothrop were assiduous in their duties of 
drilling and disciplining their commands, and in their 
efforts to counteract threatened dangers. The arsenal 
was jmt in a state of complete defense. Around the 
inside of the wall banquettes were arranged, and at 
proper places field and siege pieces placed in position, 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 91 

and protected by earthworks and sand-bags. The build- 
ing known as the main arsenal was undermined, and 
powder enough placed under it to effectually destroy 
building and contents when necessary to ignite it. 
Lyon determined the arsenal and himself should be a 
ruin before the secessionists should have it. 

HE IS PRUDENT AND POLITIC. 

It was extremely fortunate that the defenses of the 
arsenal at that time were in the hands of an officer who 
was conscious of the exact nature of the ground over 
which he was treading. Harney was his superior com- 
mander, and he felt Harney would not sustain him in 
any step to avert peril, by anticipating its dangers. He 
knew the conspirators to be plotting for the seizure of 
his command, and he knew them also to be in constant 
conference with his General. While he could scarcely 
doubt the loyalty of General Harney, he felt that he 
knew him to be in no fellowship or sympathy with the 
real lovers of the Union. Any action he might take to 
oust the secession element from St. Louis, or to prohibit 
their treasonable demonstrations, would (in his mind) be 
counteracted by the imperative orders of General Har- 
ney, if it did not culminate in his own arrest. He was 
not rash enough to suppose he could suppress seces- 
sion in St. Louis, unless he had the countenance of the 
Government, and it was his study to avoid the responsi- 
bility of assuming the onus of initiating civil war. 

THE POWDER PURCHASE BY JACKSON. 

There was, in April, 1861, a large quantity of powder 
in the hands of certain parties in St. Louis, which Jack- 
son desired to purchase, and which the Safety Committee 
desired he should not purchase. These parties, when 
spoken to concerning the proposed sale, were earnestly 



92 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

urged not to sell to the rebels ; and when they pretended to 
fear that it would be seized if not sold, they were assured 
of the protection of the Government and of the troops 
at the arsenal. They declined, however, to do else than 
sell the powder to the Governor on account of the State, 
and Mr. Oliver D. Filley counseled Captain Lyon to seize 
it. Although the new administration was now in power, 
its very conduct induced Lyon to adhere to his policy of 
caution. He doubted the propriety of seizing the pow- 
der at the time, fearing that Harney would order its 
return, and the timid Government would remove him 
from a place where he was so useful to the cause, in obe- 
dience to the clamorings of disguised conspirators. It 
was after consulting at length with Mr. Filley that he 
decided not to interfere with the powder. 

While Camp Jackson was in existence this powder 
was bought by the rebels from its owners and agents, 
and transferred on a steamer to Jefferson City, where it 
arrived on the Thursday preceding the capture of the 
camp. Captain Joseph Kelly, with his company (the 
Washington Blues), was detailed to accompany the 
steamer. 

HAGNEE SHALL NOT SURRENDER. 

It will be understood that Captain Lyon was in com- 
mand only of the defenses of the arsenal ; Major Hagner 
controlled the vast stores in its buildings. Whatever he 
wanted had to be drawn by Lyon upon a requisition on 
Hagner, approved by Harney. Mr. James O. Broadhead 
called upon Lyon one day, and told him that he feared 
Major Hagner might be induced to play into the hands 
of the rebels, and under some pretext or other place 
arms in the hands of the Governor, under the same pre- 
text that Major Bell had loaned artillery and muskets to 
Governor Stewart for the Southwest expedition. Lyon 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 93 

assured Mr. Broadhead that he would keep an eye on 
the movements of Major Hagner and stop all such pro- 
ceedings. 

" How will you proceed to stop it ? " inquired Broad- 
head ; " he has control of the guns and stores." 

" If he attempts" responded Lyon, and his clear, blue 
eyes shone with unwonted lustre, " to throio these guns 
into Jackson's hands, I'll shoot him down Wee a dog." 

THE MUNICIPAL ELECTION OF APRIL, 1861. 

Next to the arsenal, the conspirators desired most 
the possession of the municipal government of the city 
of St. Louis. In order to accomplish this, they selected 
from the ranks of the old Bell-Everett party, a gentle- 
man of great popularity, whose position, though not in 
known accord with the secessionists, was yet reliably 
hostile to the Republicans. The Republicans endeavored 
by placing upon their tickets representatives of all the 
parties who adhered unconditionally to the Union, to 
effect the same results as in the February election, but 
so confident were they of success that they were less 
active than the occasion required, and Mr. Daniel G. 
Taylor, the opposition candidate, was successful at the 
polls. The secessionists supported Mr. Taylor upon the 
supposition that he would be led into the rebellion 
through his hostility to the Republicans ; but Mr. Taylor, 
while demanding for the South conditions and guaran- 
tees, refused to identify himself with the active partisans 
of the rebellion. 

At their success in the canvass the Democracy were 
overjoyed, and a grand public demonstration followed, in 
the nature of a procession and magnificent serenade to 
Mr. Taylor, at his residence. It happened that at the 
time the steamer " H. R. W. Hill," engaged in the New 
Orleans trade, was lying at the levee. She had, on her 



94 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

voyage up, claimed to belong to the Southern Confed- 
eracy, and had had a Confederate flag flying in place of 
the stars and stripes. The officers and employees of the 
boat determined to take part in the procession, in com- 
pliment to Mr. Taylor, whom they all knew and admired ; 
and consequently placed their yawl upon trucks, rigged 
it up in ship fashion, and placed upon its foremast the 
rebel flag. The appearance of this rebel emblem in the 
procession excited the indignation of the loyalists. Col- 
onel J. N. Pritchard, who was standing with General 
Frost and Major McKinstry, on the corner of Second 
and Chestnut streets, became quite agitated, but was 
restrained by Frost from making any violent demonstra- 
tions. The telegraph wires interfered with the continual 
remaining of the boat in the procession, and its driver 
took a direct road for the meeting-place, at the Seventh 
Street Market. At this place Colonel Pritchard overtook 
the boat and demanded it should pull down the rebel 
flag. The man in charge, a pilot, refused, and the Col- 
onel sought for and found N. Wall, Esq., the Marshal of 
the procession. Mr. Wall complied with the demand of 
Colonel Pritchard, and ordered the flag down, but the 
boatmen refused, and withdrew from the procession. 

The candidate for the mayoralty, of the unconditional 
Union party, was the Honorable John How, an old and 
esteemed citizen, who had previously been honored by 
his fellow-citizens by election to that responsible office, 
and had attained popularity and an absolute degree of 
public confidence by his faithful performance of duty and 
unflinching personal integrity. The Unionists could 
have selected no man as their candidate who could have 
commanded, to a greater degree, the confidence of the 
public, aside from his position of unqualified loyalty, 
which even in that troubled time was tempered with 
moderation, forbearance, and thought. Mr. How was a 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 95 

member of the Safety Committee, and in continual con- 
ference and sympathy with Captain Lyon. 

THE POLICE COMMISSION. 

A few days after the election of Mayor Taylor, Claib 
Jackson, in accordance with the provisions of the new 
police law, appointed as Police Commissioners Charles 
McLaren, Basil W. Duke, James H. Carlysle, and John 
A. Brownlee. The Mayor, by virtue of his office, was 
President of the board. By these appointments the 
Governor secured a majority of the board in his own 
interest, and considered the city of St. Louis, even against 
a possibly obnoxious Mayor, as completely in his hands. 

The Board of Police Commissioners was no sooner 
organized than a number of merchants, of secession pro- 
clivities, conceived the idea of an organization to aid the 
board in the performance of their required duties. Con- 
sequently a meeting was called, which convened in the 
office of the American Insurance Company, over the 
Boatmen's Savings Institution. The prime mover in this 
matter was Dr. S. R. Clark. The movement threatened 
to become a success by the infusion of a loyal element, 
and the prevalence of ideas favorable to the Union. In 
order to counteract this, a motion was made, in one of 
the early meetings, to prohibit the admission of any 
" Black Republican." This created intense feeling, and 
withdrew the mask which the conspirators had fixed 
upon the face of the society. Upon this rock they split, 
and the organization was a failure. The young men, 
however, who had been seduced into its ranks by repre- 
sentations of necessity to stand by the State, against 
Yankee abolitionists, who designed to tyrannize over 
freemen, were encouraged by their secession employers 
to join the ranks of the minute-men. Many of them 
did so. 



96 

ELECTION OF CHIEF THE COMMISSION AND THE 

" NIGGER." 

The Police Board elected as Chief of Police Mr. James 
McDonough, a prominent politician of the city, formerly 
State and County Collector for the county, and a straight- 
out Democrat. No matter what may have been Mr. 
McDonough's personal feelings in the " impending 
crisis," certainly did he perform the duties of his office 
in maintaining the peace with great success, regardless 
of consequences to personal friend or foe. 

Almost the first act of the new commission was to 
legislate for the " nigger." It was resolved at once 
that the inoffensive " darkeys " should not be permitted 
to meet in a body in any place of public worship, nor 
elsewhere, without first notifying the Chief of Police, 
and having a policeman detailed to be constantly in 
attendance until the meeting should disperse. The con- 
spirators must have feared what the Republicans had 
entirely overlooked. No one of the Unionists thought 
at that time of relying upon the three or four thousand 
negroes in the city for assistance in case of armed con- 
flict. The idea of allowing Sambo to fight was a later 
development of the war. If this thought had been 
seized upon in 1861, what a wonderful difference there 
might have been in results ; the most violent radicals 
of to-day, in Missouri, would then more probably have 
openly opposed the Government that adopted it ; but 
Sambo would have protected the Federal rear, while the 
" Federals " were pushing the " Confederates " to the 
Gulf. 

THE COMMISSION FIND OUT LYON. 

Captain Lyon, in order for the better security of his 
little command, established sentinels at posts outside the 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 97 

arsenal, with orders to give an arranged signal at the 
approach of any body of men in unusual numbers. Mr. 
Brownlee, in behalf of the Board of Police, informed 
Captain Lyon that it was the desire of the board lie 
should withdraw his sentinels to within the arsenal, as 
he was encroaching upon the domain of the city author- 
ities. Captain Lyon indignantly returned answer that 
he should not withdraw his sentinels ; on the contrary, 
that he should strengthen them ; and if the police inter- 
fered with them, they would do so at their peril. The 
police did not interfere. 

THE CATASTROPHE. 

The conspirators being in readiness, rebel cannon 
began their murderous work upon the little garrison at 
Fort Sumter. The " North " was aroused to the high- 
est pitch of martial enthusiasm. The traitors had been 
carrying on " war " for some time, as Mr. Blair said in 
his Verandah Hall speech on the 7th of February, " by 
stealing empty forts and full treasuries." In this Fort 
Sumter there were men who did not see fit to yield 
without a struggle. As that parricidal blow fired the 
Northern heart, it also fired the Southern. In St. Louis 
the traitors received the news with every manifestation 
of delight. They were more than usually noisy, and 
pursued their way undisturbed. Republicans, frequently 
insulted, thought it best to avoid difficulties, knowing 
very well that, in any attempt to resent, others would 
become involved, and the cause suffer thereby. The city 
authorities were mistrusted ; the State authorities were 
known to be traitors ; there were officers at the arsenal 
whom even Lyon mistrusted, and the rebels went about 
in groups ; so there was but little chance for self-defense, 
unless involving chances of riot. The great injunction 
was : " Avoid trouble. Suppose they do brag, and blow, 



98 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

and blaspheme, and hurrah for Jeff. Davis : let them go on 
until we know where Ave stand, and then we can have 
redress." This injunction was faithfully kept ; known 
Republicans avoided public places; the expressions of 
belligerent youths were passed by unnoticed, and pre- 
texts for calling out State troops to suppress " mobs " 
were thereby rendered impossible. 



®$$W# SteCfcffOH. 



GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

AND 

MISSOURI IN 1861 



BOOK II. 

CAMP JACKSON. 

CONTENTS— The Response op Claib Jackson— Return of Mr. Blair— 
Resignation of Militia Officers — Saturday and Sunday, April 20 
and 21 — The Arsenal Re-enforced by Volunteers — Project to bribe 
the Commander at Leavenworth — The First Removal of General 
Harney— Organization of the First Four Regiments— Governor 
Jackson's Proclamation and Order — Jackson asks Money of the 
Banks— Excitement over the Removal of Arms — Attack upon the 
Street Cars — Suppression of a Circuit Court — Organization of 
Home Guards — Transfer of Guns to Illinois — Roll of Honor — Lyon 
busily employed — llndell grove— organization of camp jackson 
Troops — Stolen Arms from Baton Rouge — Lyon privately declares 
nis Purpose— Lyon visits Camp Jackson— The Safety Committee in 
Session — Tin; Order for Horses — Exciting Rumors — Tenth of May, 
1801— Letter from General Frost — Capture of Camp Jackson— The 
Catastrophe after the Surrender — Official Statement of Lyon 
Concerning the Firing at Camp Jackson — List of the Dead — Secession 
Mob — Chief of Police McDonough — The State Journal in a Rage — 
Mayor's Proclamation— Property captured at the Camp— Flight 
of Sterling Price — Secession Excitement of May 11 — Mob Attack 
on the Home Guards — Jefferson City, May, 1S01 — Panic in the 
Legislature — Bridge Burning— Legislation under Difficulties- 
Jackson in a Fright— The Great Scare at Jefferson. 

THE RESPONSE OF JACKSON TO THE CALL FOR TROOPS. 

The President of the United States called for seventy- 
five thousand volunteers, and Missouri was notified to 
furnish her quota. Governor Jackson immediately tele- 



102 GEN". NATHANIEL LYON, 

graphed to the Government that " Missouri would not 
furnish a single man to subjugate her sister States of the 
South." In this Jackson made a great fool of himself, 
for St. Louis was burning with patriotic ardor, and was 
craving the glorious privilege of herself furnishing 
double the number necessary to fill the quota. 

The Secretary of War, disregarding the telegram of 
the Governor, forwarded the official demand for the 
quota of the State, according to legal estimate. The 
Governor returned the following answer, a copy of 
which he telegraphed to the State Journal, the secession 
organ in St. Louis, and which appeared in the issue of 
that paper of April 1 7 : 

Executive Department oe Missouri, ) 
Jefferson City, April IV, 1861. j 

To Hon. Simon Cameron, Secretary of War, Washing- 
ton City : 

Sir — Your dispatch of the 15th inst., making a call on 
Missouri for four regiments of men for immediate service, 
has been received. There can be, I apprehend, no doubt 
but these men are intended to form a part of the present 
army to make war upon the people of the seceded States. 
Your requisition, in my judgment, is illegal, unconsti- 
tutional, and revolutionary ; in its objects inhuman and 
diabolical, and cannot be complied with. Not one man 
will the State of Missouri furnish to carry on such an 
unholy crusade. 

C. F. JACKSON, 

Governor of Missouri. 

RETURN OF MR. BLAIR. 

Frank P. Blair, Jr., returned to St. Louis from Wash- 
ington on the 17th of April, and gladdened the hearts of 
loyal men by assuring them of the determination of the 
Government to use the last man and the last dollar, if 
necessary, to crush out the rebellion in the seceded 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 103 

States. He represented the patriotic enthusiasm of the 
people along the entire line of his recent travel as truly 
wonderful. Upon learning the attitude of the Governor, 
he telegraphed at once to Washington, offering to raise 
immediately four regiments for active duty, and urging 
their acceptance and the appointment of an officer to 
muster them into the service. That there might be no 
failure in securing the attention of the Government to 
this matter, as well as to the general wants of the loyal- 
ists of Missouri, Captain Barton Able visited Washington 
City, for the purpose of representing Missouri affairs to 
the President and Cabinet. Mr. Blair also advised those 
officers of the militia who called upon him and announced 
their desire to identify themselves with the Union, to 
withdraw from the Jackson militia at once. He also 
advised the immediate recruiting of companies, and 
inspired confidence of their speedy muster. It is true, 
and in justice should be said, that Mr. Blair in that day 
was himself a host. Wherever loyal men met in council, 
he was there ; whenever loyal men received the word 
of command, it was from him. The rank and file had 
not yet learned to rely upon Nathaniel Lyon ; but the 
drama is rapidly progressing, and in a few days they 
will be brought under his more immediate care. 

RESIGNATION OF MILITIA OFFICERS. 

On the 17th of April, Major Schaeffer, and on the 18th 
Colonel John N. Pritchard, Surgeon Florence M. Cornyn, 
and Adjutant John S. Cavender, peremptorily resigned. 
In his letter of resignation Major Schaeffer used the fol- 
lowing language : 

"I cannot reconcile it Avith my ideas of military fealty 
and discipline, that a part of your command has hoisted 
another flag than the only true flag of these United 

States." 



104 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

This patriotic sentiment was pronounced by General 
Frost to be " conduct unworthy of an officer and a gen- 
tleman" and upon such a charge that officer, in com- 
mand of the First Military District of Missouri, ordered 
a court-martial to try the Major. It may be interesting 
to know the names of the persons constituting that 
court. I give them : 

Colonel Alton R. Easton, President of the Court ; Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel John Knapp, Lieutenant-Colonel JohnS. 
Bowen, Major James R. Shaler, Captain Joseph Kelly, 
Captain George W. West, Captain William Wade, Cap- 
tain Martin Burke, Captain Charles S. Rogers, Captain 
William B. Hazeltine, Captain Charles H. Fredericks, 
Captain Henry W. Williams, Judge-Advocate. 

Major Schaeffer refused to acknowledge the order of 
arrest, and lived to do good service for his country, until 
at Murfreesbor", at the head of his brigade, in a glorious 
charge, he died " in the arms of victory." 

The letter of Surgeon Cornyn also breathed the purest 
and loftiest spirit of patriotism. These resignations 
were followed by a general stampede of the active Union 
men of the rank and file; but there were some, however, 
who remained only to leave in time for early service in 
the Union armies. 

SATURDAY, APRIL 20, AND SUNDAY, APRIL 21. 

On Saturday, April 20, news reached Captain Lyon 
that the conspirators had seized the Government arsenal 
at Liberty, and had carried off all its guns and ammuni- 
tion. His own friends in the city and the spies of the 
Safety Committee reported undoubted evidence of an 
intention on the part of the St. Louis managers to take 
the arsenal, if they could. The members of the Safety 
Committee entirely neglected their business on that day, 
and rendered every assistance in their power to the 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 105 

designs and plans of Lyon. Mr. O. D. Filley met Gen- 
eral Harney at the gate of the arsenal during the day, and 
informed him of the capture of Liberty arsenal. Harney 
seemed to take very little notice of the information, and, 
I am informed, affected not to believe it. Mounted 
patrols were kept constantly moving through various 
parts of the city, ready to convey to Lyon reports of 
any unusual movements among any considerable num- 
ber of citizens. Companies of the Union Guards were on 
hand in their private armories, prepared to move into the 
arsenal at a moment's notice. In order to avoid creating 
unnecessary excitement, the entire Union Guard was 
called at their several places of meeting by private 
notice, and kept together until a late hour ; some com- 
panies until after daylight. 

That night Sweeney, who commanded at the west gate, 
with two field-pieces under his charge, concluded, about 
midnight, to station his men at their respective places, 
when he ascertained that two had deserted since the last 
roll-call. Upon further examination he found that the 
equipments of both his cannon had been taken away. 
His suspicions fell upon a man whose name appeared on 
the company roll as Spencer Kellogg,* and whose conduct 
he had secretly criticised on several previous occasions. 
Obtaining new equipments, he placed them in his tent, 
and sending for Kellogg, said to him : " Kellogg, when I 
am absent, you must be here and guard these equipments. 
Your eyes or mine must be on them all the time ; if these 

* A BRAVE MAN'S LAST WORDS — LETTER FROM SPENCER KELLOGG 
BROWN. 

The TJtica Herald publishes the following letter from Spencer Kellogg 
Brown, who was executed as a spy by the rebels, the last he ever wrote, 
addressed to his parents in that city : 

"Castle Thunder, Virginia, September 23, 18G3. 
"Dear Father: By permission, and through the courtesy of Captain Alex- 
ander, I am enabled to write you a few lines. "You, who before this have heard 

5* 



106 

are stolen, you or ./must be the thief." They were not 
stolen ; and Kellogg's subsequent conduct proved him 
to be a patriot and a hero. In 1863, Spencer Kellogg 
was hung in Richmond, Virginia, as a Federal spy. His 
real name was Spencer Kellogg Brown. 

While thus the utmost vigilance was observed at the 
arsenal on that night of the 20 th of April, there was also 
unusual activity at the headquarters of the minute-men. 
Mayor Taylor, anxious to preserve the peace, had ar- 
ranged so he could be notified, at any moment, of any 
appearances of an extraordinary character. About mid- 
night he was called up, and after receiving information 
from his visitor, proceeded to the Berthold mansion and 
knocked for admission. At first it was refused, but he 
was finally admitted, when he saw a large crowd of men 
thoroughly armed, and engaged in plotting an attack 
upon the arsenal. The Mayor earnestly entreated them 
to retire to their homes, and not attempt such a foolish 
undertaking, which could only result in their capture or 

from me in regard to my situation here, can, I trust, bear it when I tell you that 
my days on earth are soon ended. Last Saturday I was court-martialed, and 
this evening, a short time since, I received notice of my sentence by Captain 
Alexander, who has since shown me every kindness consistent with his duty. 

"Writing to my dear parents, I feel there can be no more comfort after such 
tidings, than to tell you that I trust, by the mercy of our Heavenly Father, to 
die the death of a Christian. For more than a year, since the commencement 
of my confinement, I have been trying to serve Him in my poor, feehle wav, 
and I do not fear going to Hun. I would have loved to see you all again ; God 
saw best not — why should we mourn ? Comfort your hearts, my dear parents, 
by thoughts of God's mercy unto your son, and bow with reverence beneath the 
hand of Him who l doeth all things well.' I have but little business to dispose 
of. Yourself, or Uncle Cozzens, at St. Louis, will please draw my pay from the 
Government and invest it in United States bonds, at present, the interest cf 
which will be paid semi-annually to my wife. * * * * I sent a ring to my 
wife by a clergyman Monday last ; I also sent a telegram to yourself; which 
will arrive too late, as the time of my execution is set lor day after to-morrow- 
Friday, September 25. I will try to send a short letter to my wife accompany- 
ing this. * * * Captain Alexander, commandant of the prison, deserves 
your respect and grateful remembrance for his kindness to your son in his last 
hours. 

"Dear parents, there are but few more moments left me. I will try to think 
often of you. Kemembcr me kindly and respectfully to all my dear friends and 
relatives. Tell Kitty I hope to meet her again. Take care of Freddy for me ; 
put him often in remembrance of me. 

"Dear mother, good-bye. God comfort you, my mother, and bless you with 
the love of happy children. Farewell, my lather; we meet again, by God's 
mercy. 

SPENCER KELLOGG." 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 107 

death. Yfhether the entreaties of the Mayor wrought 
the change in their intentions I cannot say, but they did 
not attack the arsenal. The leaders of the party ex- 
pressed perfect confidence in success should they attempt 
the seizure of the arsenal, and boasted that they had 
two spies on duty at the arsenal gate, at that very hour. 
Certain it is the Safety Committee had a spy in their 
own camp. Early on the following morning, April 21, 
Lyon sent to Blair the following : 

[BY POLITENESS OF CAPTAIN COLLAMER.] 

St. Louis Arsenal, April 21, 1861. 

Dear Sir — I have no authority for mustering in 
troops for the Government. This is very important 
now, and before we are so hemmed in that we cannot 
help ourselves, which is doubtless the policy of our 
adversaries. I had supposed the exertions of yourself 
and friends with the Government at Washington would 
have effected this by this time. 

You will see by the news this morning, that a large 
supply of arms, ammunition and artillery have fallen into 
the hands of our foes by their possession of the Liberty 
arsenal, and they may be turned upon us here soon. 
You will see also that Captain Steele, at Fort Leaven- 
worth, has accepted volunteers to defend that arsenal 
and post, and if I had the command proper here, and no 
interference from General Harney, I would do the same. 
I have just sent a note to the General, asking him to 
allow me to accept volunteers, but if he does so, I expect 
it will be so noised about that they will have to light 
their way here. ******* 

K LYON. 
[later.] 

St. Louis Arsenal, April 21, 1861. 
Hon. F. P. Blair, Jr. : 

Dear Sir — I forgot, in writing you by Captain Col- 
lamer, to mention that I have authentic information that 
Lieutenant John M. Schofield, First Artillery, who has 
for some time past been on leave of absence in St. Louis, 



108 GEN. 

has received orders from Washington to muster volun- 
teers into the service. It would be well for some of your 
people -to see and consult him at once. Something 
should be done, if possible, to-day. 

Yours truly, 

N. LYON. 

That same morning Barton Able, John How, Oliver 
D. Filley, James O. Broadhead, Franklin A. Dick, and 
one or two others, whose names are not remembered, 
were with Mr. Blair at his residence on Washington ave- 
nue, in conference as to the best means to adopt for self- 
protection in the threatening crisis. The second note 
from Lyon was brought in at about church-time, and it 
was resolved to at once hunt up Schofield. Filley, 
Broadhead and How, started out upon the search, and 
first visited Dr. Nelson's church on Fourteenth street- 
Schofield, who was a professor in the Washington Uni- 
versity, was quite well known, but he was not in the 
church. The committee then proceeded down Olive 
street toward Dr. Eliot's church, but before going a»y 
great distance they met Professor S. B. Waterhouse, of 
the same University with Lieut. Schofield, and from 
him learned that the latter was at the church on the 
corner of Seventeenth and Olive streets. Thither they 
proceeded, found Schofield, and took him over to Mr. 
Blair's. Schofield was himself impressed with the neces- 
sity of prompt action, and consented to go immediately 
to the arsenal and comply with Captain Lyon's wishes. 
Mr. Blair had just received a reply to his dispatches to 
Washington, offering four regiments, the Secretary of 
War telegraphing their acceptance ; but when Schofield 
reached the arsenal he found himself hampered by the 
orders of General Harney, prohibiting the entrance of 
volunteers into the arsenal, and also their subsistence 
and arming. Lieut. Schofield, accompanied by Lieut. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 109 

Saxton, returned to Mr. Blair's house with the following 
note from Captain Lyon : 

St. Louis Arsenal, April 21, 1861. 

Dear Sir — Mr. Schofield has no authority to arm and 
equip these men, if he enrolls them, nor are any instruc- 
tions given about the location and disposal of them and 
without the sanction of General Harney to this matter, 
we are liable to serious difficulty, as the General may, on 
hearing what is transpiring, order my arrest, even while 
trying to arm the men, for violating his orders about 
issuing arms ; and as he has the rank and authority he 
may direct the volunteer force away or to disperse. We 
do not seem to be starting out ri^ht with the instruc- 
tions Mr. Schofield now has. Lieutenants Saxton and 
Schofield will explain more fully what I have not time 
to write. 

Yours truly, 

N. LYON. 

Mr. Blair, in company with Lieut. Schofield,called upon 
General Harney, but the General refused to counter- 
mand his order. Blair then returned to his house, and 
sending for Mr. Lucien Barnes, a loyal telegrapher, gave 
him the following teleo-ram to forward at once to its 
destination : 

St. Louis, April 21, 1801. 
Governor A. G. Curtix, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. 

An officer of the army here, has received an order to 
muster in Missouri regiments. General Harney refuses 
to let them remain in the arsenal grounds or permit them 
to be armed. I wish these facts to be communicated to 
the Secretary of War by special messenger, and instruc- 
tions sent immediately to Harney to receive the troops 
at the arsenal, and arm them. Our friends distrust Har- 
ney very much. He should be superseded immediately 
by putting another commander in this district. The 
object of the secessionists is to seize the arsenal here,with 
its seventy-five thousand stand of arms, and he refuses 



110 

the means of defending it. We have plenty of men, but 
no arms. 

FRANK P. BLAIR, Jr. 

In order to avoid betrayal in the St. Louis telegraph 
office, Mr. Blair requested Barnes to cross the river on 
the ferry, and forward the dispatch from the East St 
Louis office. 

I must not neglect to say that Mr. Blair had procured 
an order for five thousand guns, to be given to Lyon to 
arm loyal men with, in case of actual necessity, for the 
defense of the arsenal and the lives of Union men. This 
order Harney managed to render a nullity, and on the 
afternoon of the 1 9th of April, Mr. Blair had dispatched 
Dr. Hazlett to Washington with the following letter, 
addressed to Montgomery Blair, the Postmaster-Gen- 
eral : 

St. Louis, April 19, 1861. 

Deaii Judge — Dr. Hazlett will hand you this letter. 
He goes to Washington for the purpose of urging the 
removal of General Harney from this post, and giving us 
some one to command who will not obstruct the orders 
of Government intended for our assistance. Harney has 
issued orders, at the instance of the secessionists, refusing 
to allow us to have the guns which the Government had 
ordered to be given to us. We also want an order to 
Captain Lyon to swear in the four regiments assigned 
to Missouri. I have already written and telegraphed to 
this eifect ; but in these days we do not know what to 
rely upon, and therefore we have deemed it advisable to 
send a special messenger. If you will send General 
Wool, or some one who is not to be doubted, to take com- 
mand in this district, and designate an officer to swear 
in our volunteers, and arm the rest of our people, who 
are willing to act as a civic or home guard, I think we 
shall be able to hold our ground here. But the man sent 
to supersede Harney should reach here before Harney is 
apprised of his removal ; and the order to swear in our 
volunteers should come as soon as possible, and should 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. Ill 

be sent to Lyon by telegraph, if not already sent, and 
should be repeated, even if the order has been sent 
already. I consider these matters of vital importance, 
otherwise would not urge them upon your attention. I 
ask you to see Cameron immediately in regard to the 
business. Yours, 

FRANK P. BLAIR, Jr. 
Hon. Montgomery Blair. 

Having thus dispatched to Washington the condition 
of affairs, Mr. Blair visited Lyon at the arsenal. Mr. O. 
D. Filley, Mr. How, and Mr. Broadhead were already 
there, and it was the conclusion of all that the arsenal 
must be reinforced that evening, whether Harney should 
consent or not. The details were all arranged, and the 
above-named gentlemen departed to fulfil them. Later 
in the day Captain Lyon wrote the following to Mr. 
Blair : 

April 21, 1861 
Hon. F. P. Blair, Jr. : 

Dear Sir — I have your note of this day per Mr. Bayles, 
and I have agreed with him that it will be well to have 
the companies come in at the gate at the middle of the 
board fence on the river, and from half-past seven to 
half-past eight o'clock this evening. This, of course, is 
with the understanding that Lieut. Schofield will at 
once accept them, and be prepared to arm and equip 
them. I suppose he has this authority, though if ?iot I 
must see them armed at any rate. The company officers 
must be admitted quietly beforehand, at the main gate 
on Carondelet avenue, and be ready to recognize their 
own men on admittance. All should bring a little some- 
thing to eat, so as not to suffer before we get ready to 
feed them. 

Yours truly, 

N. LYON". 

THE ARSENAL RE-ENFORCED BY VOLUNTEERS. 

On the night of the 21st of April, several hundred 
selected volunteers, men all known to their already 



112 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

chosen officers, who stood at the gate, were admitted to 
the arsenal, and provided with arms. Not only was 
this personal identity required, but a strip of ribbon, on 
which was an impress in wax of Captain Lyon's private 
seal, had previously been distributed, and was taken up 
at the gate. 

PROJECT TO BRIBE THE COMMANDANT AT LEAVEN- 
WORTH. 

The rebels about this time dispatched a delegation, 
headed by Marmaduke, to Fort Leavenworth, for the 
purpose of bribing the officer in command at that post 
to betray his trust. The sum of $25,000 was placed 
at the disposal of Marmaduke to effect this purpose, 
and the money was drawn from some of the St. Louis 
banks, and the branch bank at Arrow Rock. The 
Safety Committee, fully advised of this projected visit to 
Fort Leavenworth, had one of their spies to accompany 
the party. The spy was in the whole secret from its 
inception, but became the manager, and was put forward 
by Marmaduke to approach the Leavenworth commander 
with the bribe. 

It was thought advisable to notify the commandant at 
Fort Leavenworth, in advance of the arrival of this party, 
and therefore Mr. Giles F. Filley dispatched two letters to 
Mr. Lyman Allen, of Lawrence, Kansas, urging him to go 
over to Fort Leavenworth, advise the commander of 
what was going on, and insist upon his capturing the 
party so soon as they had offered the bribe, take the 
money from them, and then let them go. One of these 
letters Mr. Filley sent by the way of Fort Scott, and the 
other via St. Joseph. Marmaduke went first to Arrow 
Rock, to get five thousand dollars from that bank, and 
then proceeded to Leavenworth. But Mr. Allen had 
already been there, and informed Major Hagner of the 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 1]3 

contents of his letter. When the conspirators appeared 
at the fort, Major Hagner informed them that their 
purposes were already known, and that they had better 
get away. Of course they got away, and took all their 
money with them. 

THE FIRST REMOVAL OF HARNEY. 

[ From the Missouri Democrat, April 24, 1861.] 

" General Harney left yesterday afternoon for Wash- 
ington City, in obedience to orders from the Secretary 
of War. 

This was the result of Harney's refusal to aid Lyon 
and Blair ; and now Lyon was supreme. Blair was con- 
stantly with him at the arsenal, rendering him every 
assistance, and in every instance a counselor and a con- 
fidant Mr. Blair had, on the 21st, in anticipation of 
earnest work, sent his family out of town, out of regard 
for their personal safety. Gangs of ruffians were in the 
habit of passing his house, yelling obscene expressions, 
and in one or two instances throwing missiles at the 
building. The whole hate and fury of secession bigotry 
and intolerance seemed directed toward this great 
leader, and in every rumor they mingled his name. 
Himself disregarded all their malignity and abuse, and 
pursued the work of assisting Lyon at every important 
step taken. 

ORGANIZATION OF THE FOUR REGIMENTS UNDER THE 
FIRST CALL. 

The recall of Harney was equivalent to the acquisition 
of four regiments to the Federal army. Within as many 
days the four regiments were full and mustered. Blair, 
Boernstein, Sigel, and Schuttner were respectively their 
commanders, and each labored with admirable zeal to 
select the very best material out of the multitudes offer- 



114 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

ing. When these regiments were crowded to the maxi- 
mum, there was material enough for a regiment or two 
more. It was the desire of the officers to choose Colonel 
Blair as their Brigade-General, but Blair would not 
listen to it, and explained the necessity of conferring 
that honor upon Captain Lyon. Lyon in turn insisted 
upon Blair complying with the desires of his command, 
and expressed anxiety to continue in the service under 
his lead; but Colonel Blair explained his intention of 
remaining less prominent, in order to avoid driving a 
single man from the cause because of former political 
animosity ; and besides, he proclaimed the superiority of 
Lyon as an officer bred to arms, and pre-eminently fit 
for the position. The affair ended by Lyon being 
elected General of the brigade. This was insisted upon 
by Mr. Blair in order that Lyon might not be in the 
position of a subordinate commanding his superiors in 
rank, and Lyon thenceforward assumed the position of 
General, though not the title, until after Camp Jackson 
he was regularly appointed by the Government. 

governor jackson's proclamation and order. 

On the 2 2d of April appeared the proclamation of 
Claib Jackson, summoning the Legislature to meet in 
the State capitol, on the 2d of May, in extraordinary 
session. Accompanying the proclamation he also issued 
an order for the militia of the State to assemble in their 
respective military districts on the 3d of May, and go 
into encampment for the period of six days, as provided 
by law. The reply of the Governor to the President and 
to the Secretary of War — the proclamation and order 
above stated — the known correspondence of the conspir- 
ators at Jefferson City with secessionists all over the 
State, and with leading rebels in the South, then openly 
in arms against the Union, gave a front to secession 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 115 

which was very attractive to the young and the adven- 
turous, to say nothing of the narrow-minded and the 
bigoted. 

JACKSON ASKS MONEY OF THE BANKS. 

While ordering the State militia into camps, Claib 
Jackson knew the absolute necessity of providing them 
with arms in the event of his needing their help. He 
therefore made a proposition to. the banks in St. Louis 
to permit him to use the $50,000 they were to furnish 
to meet the July interest, to arm the State militia. 
With one exception the banks acceded to the proposition. 

EXCITEMENT OVER THE REMOVAL OF ARMS. 

On the 26th of April Hagner shipped six hundred arms 
on board the steamer Pocahontas, to be delivered to the 
State authorities of Kentucky, at Louisville. These 
arms had been sent to the St. Louis arsenal for repairs, 
and Hagner saw proper to return them. The spies of 
the minute-men, who were unceasingly vigilant, learned 
of the intended shipment, and magnified the story con- 
cerning them. The excited minute-men rushed to the 
captain of the Pocahontas, and by threats and boasts so 
filled him with fear that he ordered the guns off his boat, 
and left them upon the levee, and at once started upon 
his trip. The police took possession of the property. 
Through some unknown authority, these guns, at 11 
o'clock the same night, were placed on a dray, and 
ordered on board the steamboat Julius H. Smith, for 
shipment to Governor Harris, of Tennessee, at Nashville. 
The minute-men at that hour were on the alert. Not 
knowing the destination of the weapons, they were deter- 
mined to stop their shipment. A crowd seized the dray 
when near the levee, and commenced moving up Pine 
street, with the intention of taking them to the Berthoid 



116 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

mansion. As they neared Third street, a party of thirty 
policemen overhauled the highwaymen, and took the 
guns to the steamer they were intended for. It was said 
the crowd were informed of the true destination of the 
guns by a Police Commissioner, before they were thor- 
oughly content to surrender without a fight. 

ATTACK UPON THE STREET CARS BY MINUTE-MEN. 

On the night of Thursday, April 25, there was a large 
gathering of minute-men at the Berthold mansion, and at 
the "Mercantile saloon," on Locust street near Fifth 
street, one block from the former place. A rumor had 
been circulated to the effect that Captain Lyon intended 
to use the Fifth street cars in transporting some arms to 
the Tenth Ward Union men. About nine o'clock, four 
cars, closely following, were seen coming up Fifth street. 
When near Locust, a crowd rushed into the foremost 
car and began looking for the anticipated guns. But 
save a few citizens and a German Federal officer with his 
sword at his side, they found nothing. The sword was 
seized from the aforesaid Federal, and, amid cheers and 
yells, was taken as a trophy to the aforesaid saloon. 



In Southeast Missouri, where Judge Albert Jackson 
was endeavoring to hold the stated session of the Circuit 
Court, a party of secessionists took possession of the 
offices of the Sheriff and the County Clerk of Dallas 
county, and refused to permit Judge Jackson to hold 
court. The excuse for this conduct was that the Judge, 
in consideration of the feet that he was surrounded by 
traitors, had declared no attorney should practice before 
him without renewing his oath of loyalty to the United 
States Government. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 117 



ORGANIZATION OF THE HOME GUARDS. 

It was very evident to Captain Lyon that the Govern- 
ment at Washington did not fully realize the nature of 
the crisis then threatening its existence, else there would 
have been a much greater number of troops called for 
and for a much greater length of time. He was con- 
scious of the fact that Missouri alone would require four 
times the number allowed her if she proposed maintain- 
ing equality with the rebel recruits in her midst. He had 
no sooner signified his readiness to receive and arm the 
four regiments accepted by the Government than some 
six thousand men rushed to the arsenal for admission. 
After the four regiments had been mustered to their 
maximum, Lyon took upon himself the responsibility of 
quartering a fifth upon the Government, relying upon 
Colonel Blair for his influence in having it accepted. 

In conversation with the Safety Committee, Lyon 
divulged the plan of making Springfield the outpost of St. 
Louis, in case of imminent danger from the rebels in the 
State. St. Louis would require a strong force to restrain 
refractory secessionists, and protect the immense Gov- 
ernment and private property then within its limits. 
The plan of arming the truly loyal men for this latter 
purpose was adopted, and the Government was besieged 
for the necessary authority. This was granted ; and the 
authority reached Lyon on the 4th of May. He imme- 
diately issued the following : 

St. Louis Arsenal, May 4, 1861. 

Colonel Chester Harding has authority to proceed with 
the organization of regiments, to be enrolled in the 
United States service, for the defense of the loyal citi- 
zens of St. Louis, and protecting the property and en- 
forcing the laws of the United States. 

N. LYON, 
Captain Second Infantry r , commanding. 



118 GEN". NATHANIEL LYON, 

It will be seen the authority given to Colonel Harding 
bears date of May 4. The energy and the efficiency of 
Colonel Harding, and the usefulness of that organization 
which was originated in January, and which had pre- 
served the city and the arsenal during the intervening 
months, were soon displayed in a remarkably speedy 
completion of the five regiments allowed by the adminis- 
tration. The new organization was called the " United 
States Reserve Corps" but it is known better as " Home 
Guards," and as such I shall hereafter designate it. The 
Fifth Regiment of Volunteers was regularly mustered 
into the service by order from Washington. On the 7th 
of May, the First Regiment Home Guards, made up of 
residents of the First Ward; on the morning of the 8th, 
the Second Regiment, from the Second Ward ; at 4, 
P.M., the same day, the Third Regiment, from the Third, 
Fourth, and Fifth Wards; at 9, P.M., same day, the 
Fourth Regiment, from the Seventh and Eighth Wards, 
were all mustered in and armed. These regiments estab- 
lished their quarters as follows : The First, Colonel Alm- 
stedt, in Yaeger's Garden ; the Second, Colonel Kallman, 
on Chouteau avenue ; the Third, Colonel John McNeil, at 
Turner Hall; the Fourth, Colonel B. Gratz Brown, at 
Bechner's Garden, on Fifth street. On Saturday, May 
11, Colonel Stifel's Fifth Regiment was mustered in, and 
established its quarters in the Tenth Ward. The com- 
missioned officers of these regiments elected Captain 
Thomas W. Sweeney their brigade commander, and he 
was at once recognized as such. Colonel Harding con- 
tinued upon the staff of General Lyon as his Adjutant- 
General, and through his excellent judgment and eminent 
legal ability became of vast necessity to his chief. 

TRANSFER OF SURPLUS GUNS TO ILLINOIS. 

Having provided for arming the five thousand volun- 
teers and five thousand Home Guards ordered by the 






AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 119 

Secretary of War, Lyon thought it necessary to secure 
the balance beyond all danger of treachery or capture, 
and with that object in view, on the night of the 2Gth of 
April, the steamer " City of Alton " dropped down to the 
arsenal, and received on board between twenty thousand 
and thirty thousand stand of arms. A company of the 
First Missouri (volunteers), commanded by Captain 
George PI. Stone, was detailed to guard the boat and 
property to Alton, to which place the guns were safely 
taken, and forwarded thence to Springfield. On the 
night of May 1 the same steamer performed another 
mission to Alton from the arsenal, securely transferring 
some ten thousand pounds of powder to a magazine of 
loyal Illinois. 

As was to be expected, the secesh soon became aware 
of these movements, and were loud in their abuse of 
Lyon and Blair, whom they boasted would soon become 
fugitives from the " sacred soil." 

THE ROLL OF HONOR. 

I give herewith the roster of officers of the several 
regiments (volunteer and Home Guard) who sprang to 
arms, at the first call of the President, for their country's 
defense : 

First Regiment of Missouri Volunteers. 
(Three months' service.) 
field and staff. 

Frank P. Blair, Jr Colonel. 

George L. Andrews Lieutenant-Colonel. 

John M. Schofield Major. 

Henry Hescock Adjutant. 

Herbert M. Draper Quartermaster. 

Florence M. Cornyn . ... Surgeon. 
William Simon Assistant Surgeon. 



120 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

Company A. Rufus Saxton, Captain ; William A. Gor- 
don, First Lieutenant ; Ernst W. Decker, 
Second Lieutenant. 

B. M. L. Lothrop, Captain ; Benjamin Tau- 
matie, First Lieutenant ; John L. Matthai, 
Second Lieutenant. 

C. G. Harry Stone, Captain; Marshall, 

First Lieutenant ; John H. Tiemeyer, Sec- 
ond Lieutenant. 

D. Charles Anderson, Captain ; S. O. Fish, 
First Lieutenant ; Fulton H. Johnson, 
Second Lieutenant. 

E. Robert B. Beck, Captain ; John McFaul, 
First Lieutenant ; William D. Bowen, 
Second Lieutenant. 

F. Cary Gratz, Captain ; William T. Stewart, 
First Lieutenant ; George Meyers, Second 
Lieutenant. 

G. John S. Cavender, Captain ; Frederick 
Welker, First Lieutenant ; Charles S. Shel- 
don, Second Lieutenant. 

II. Theodore Yates, Captain ; Francis H. 

Manter, First Lieutenant ; Thomas Haynes, 

Second Lieutenant. 
I. Madison Miller, Captain ; David Murphy, 

First Lieutenant ; James Marr, Second 

Lieutenant. 
K. Patrick E. Burke, Captain ; E. W. Weber, 

First Lieutenant ; Edward Madison, Second 

Lieutenant. 

Second Regiment of Missouri Volunteers. 
(Three months' service.) 
No papers concerning this regiment have been filed in 
the Adjutant-General's office. 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 121 



FIELD AND STAFF. 



Henry Boernstein Colonel. 

Fred. Schaeffer Lieutenant-Colonel. 

B. Laibold Major. 

Third Regiment of Missouri Volunteers. 
(Three months' service.) 

FLELD AND STAFF. 

Franz Sigel Colonel. 

t^Albert Anselm Lieutenant-Colonel. 

Henry Bishoff Major. 

Gustav Heinrichs Adjutant. 

Sebas Engert Quartermaster. 

Frederick Haussler Surgeon. 

Charles Ludwig Assistant Surgeon. 

Company A (Rifles). Joseph Indest, Captain ; Leopold 

Hemle, First Lieutenant ; William Roemer, 

Second Lieutenant. 
" A. John F. Cramer, Captain; William 

Osterhorn, First Lieutenant ; Charles 

Weistney, Second Lieutenant. 
" B (Rifles). Henry Zeis, Captain; Joseph 

Fries, First Lieutenant ;- Peter Steven, 

Second Lieutenant. 
" B. Joseph Conrad, Captain; William Mett- 

maun, First Lieutenant ; George Demde, 

Second Lieutenant. 
" C. Jacob Hartmann, Captain ; Henry Bishoff, 

First Lieutenant ; Z. Heckenlaner, Second 

Lieutenant. 
D. Aug. Hackman, Captain ; Liverott Danner, 

First Lieutenant ; Stephen Tehl, Second 

Lieutenant. 
6 



122 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

Company E. , Captain ; , First Lieu- 
tenant ; August Schaerff,Second Lieutenant. 
" F. C. Blandowski (killed at Camp Jackson), 

Captain ; Hugh Gollmer, First Lieutenant ; 

Aug. William Busche, Second Lieutenant. 
" G. AdolphDengler, Captain; Charles Hoenny, 

First Lieutenant ; Edward Krebe, Second 

Lieutenant. 
" H. Geo. D. Friedlein,Captain ; , First 

Lieut. ; George Marschall, Second Lieut. 
" I. Charles H. Mannhardt, Captain; H. 

Klostermann, First Lieutenant ; J. Bries- 

ner, Second Lieutenant. 
" K. Theodore Menmann, Captain ; Theodore 

Henck, First Lieutenant ; George Schuster, 

Second Lieutenant. 
Fourth Regiment of Missouri Volunteers. 
(Three months' service.) 

FIELD AND STAFF. 

Nicholas Schuttner Colonel. 

A. Hammer Lieutenant-Colonel. 

F. Niggerman Major. 

S. Homburg Adjutant. 

Charles Grison Quartermaster. 

Dr. Beck , . . . Surgeon. 

A. Keosch. . ....... Assistant Surgeon. 

Company A. George Dahmer, Captain. 

" B. George Rehman, Captain. 

" C. Frederick Schuddig, Captain. 

" D. George Hasfurther, Captain. 

" E. Theodore Fishback, Captain. 

" F. George Berg, Captain. 
. " G. Charles Dening, Captain. 
H. Philip Frank, Captain. 

" I. J. llubbel, Captain. 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 123 

Company K. Louis Rohrer, Captain. 

" L. Henry, Captain. 

" M. Weber, Captain. 

This regiment was mostly recruited from the January 
organization of" Black Jaegers." 

The foregoing regiments having been filled to the 
maximum, there were large numbers yet in the arsenal 
demanding muster. Lyon and Blair besieged the War 
Department, and obtained privilege to muster in another 
(Fifth) regiment of volunteers. 

Fifth Regiment op Missouri Volunteers. 

(Three months' service.) 

field and staff. 

Charles E. Solomon Colonel. 

Chest. Dick Wolff. Lieutenant-Colonel. 

F. W. Cronenbold Major. 

Edward C. Franklin Surgeon. 

Samuel II. Melcher Assistant Surgeon. 

William Gerlach Adjutant. 

Ben. Meisner Quartermaster. 

Company B. Louis Gottschalk, Captain ; Emil Wachter, 
First Lieutenant ; William Beng, Second 
Lieutenant. 
" - C. Frederick Solomon, Captain ; William 
Kassak, First Lieutenant ; Otto Venie, 
Second Lieutenant. 
" D. Charles Mehl, Captain ; Gustav Laibold, 
First Lieutenant ; Christopher Stork, Sec- 
ond Lieutenant. 
" E. Charles Stephany, Captain ; James Ball- 
haus, First Lieutenant ; Julius Nehrig, 
Second Lieutenant. 
F. Alfred Arnaud, Captain ; Rudolph Schnei- 
der, First lieutenant ; Emile Thomas, Sec- 
ond Lieutenant. 



124 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

Company G. C. E. Stark, Captain ; Nich. Fuester, First 
Lieutenant ; C. Weiss, Second Lieutenant. 
" H. W. J. Chester, Captain ; J. Coleman, First 
Lieutenant ; S. Morris, Second Lieutenant. 
" I. Charles P. Meisner, Captain ; G. Adam 
Bauer, First Lieutenant ; Joseph Spiegel- 
halter, Second Lieutenant. 
" K S. A. Hogg, Captain ; W. S. Boyd, First 
Lieut. ; W. H. Thompson, Second Lieut. 
First Regiment United States Reserve Corps. 
(Three months' service.) 

FIELD AND STAFF. 

Henry Almstedt Colonel. 

VRobert J. Rombauer Lieutenant-Colonel. 

Phil. J. Brimmer Major. 

Emil Seeman . Surgeon. 

John Heinback Assistant Surgeon. 

William Waldschmidt .... Adjutant. 

Aug. Leussler Quartermaster. 

Company A. (Cavalry). Jacob Melter, Captain; John 
Traber, First Lieutenant ; Charles Wag- 
mann, Second Lieutenant, 
" B. J. Horn, Captain ; E. Mark, First Lieuten- 
ant ; W. Waldschmidt, Second Lieutenant* 
" C. T. Hildebrandt, Captain ; J. II. Vadoarka, 

First Lieutenant ; G. Ost, Second Lieut. 
" D. Leonard Weindell, Captain ; Frederick W. 
Henkels, First Lieutenant ; Peter Schardin, 
Second Lieutenant. 
" E. George Rothweiler, Captain ; Lorenz Lie- 
bermann, First Lieutenant ; Gustav Gar- 
vell, Second Lieutenant. 
" F. William Balz, Captain ; William Balz, First 
Lieutenant ; Jacob Remhardt, Second 
Lieutenant. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 125 

Company G. Charles Hartig, Captain ; Arnold P. Roe- 

ter, First Lieutenant ; George Clemens, 

First Lieutenant. 
" H. Joseph Schubert, Captain ; Casper Koch- 

ler, First Lieutenant ; , Second 

Lieutenant. 
" I. Herman T. Hasse, Captain ; Clemens Gut- 

gesell, First Lieutenant ; Fred. Krenning, 

Second Lieutenant. 
K. William Hahn, Captain ; Henry Delus, 

First Lieutenant ; Joseph Witzel, Second 

Lieutenant. 
L. Wm, Prolerman, Captain ; Jacob Bischoff, 

First Lieutenant ; Aug. Leupler, Second 

Lieutenant. 
" M. Aug. Eichele, Captain; Charles B. Gut- 

zahr, First Lieutenant ; Hern Lantensekla- 

ger, Second Lieutenant. 

Second Regiment United States Reserve Corps. 
(Three months' service.) 

FIELD AND STAFF e 

Herman Kallmann Colonel. 

i/Jolm T. Fiala ..... . . Lieutenant-Colonel. 

Julius Rapp . Major. 

Anthony Teitinger Adjutant. 

Charles W. Gottschalk Quartermaster. 

F. C. Castlehun Surgeon. 

Charles Sprinzig Assistant Surgeon. 

Company A. Bernard Essroger, Captain ; Herman 

Bleck, First Lieutenant ; Leopold Swanzi- 

ger, Second Lieutenant 
" B. Edmund Wurpel, Captain ; Joseph Gerwi- 

ner, First Lieutenant ; Franz Shindler, 

Second Lieutenant. 



126 

Company C. , Captain ; Fred. Mueller, First 

Lieutenant ; Fred. Cratz, Second Lieu- 
tenant. 

" D. F. M. Wolke, Captain ; Bernhard Klein, 
First Lieutenant ; Fred. Gottschalk, Second 
Lieutenant. 

" E. Felix Laies, Captain ; Christian Ploesser, 
First Lieutenant; Philip Michel, Second 
Lieutenant. 

" F. Theodore Boethelt, Captain; Alexander 
Windmiller, First Lieutenant; Anthony 
Ochosky, Second Lieutenant. 
G. Herman Takrzewski, Captain ; Ger. Bens- 
berg, First Lieutenant; Herman Moll, 
Second Lieutenant. 
H. Charles Goerisck, Captain ; Charles Hoppe, 
First Lieutenant ; John Heusack, Second 
Lieutenant. 
I. Jacob Reseck, Captain ; John Ruedi, First 
Lieutenant, Aug. Frohnhaeser, Second 
Lieutenant. 

Third Regiment United States Reserve Corps. 
(Three months' service.) 

FIELD AND STAFF. 

John McNeil Colonel. 

Charles A. Fritz Lieutenant-Colonel. 

Calvin W. Marsh Major. 

Samuel P. Simpson Adjutant. 

George E. Leighton Quartermaster. 

Ellery P. Smith Surgeon. 

Edmund Boemer Assistant Surgeon. 

Company A. Charles W. Smith, Captain ; H. Rupert 

Serot, First Lieutenant ; II. Wigand, 

Second Lieutenant. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1801. 12 ^ 

Company B. Charles A. Warner, Captain ; Fred. 

Leser, First Lieutenant ; , Second 

Lieutenant. 
" C. Tony Niederweiser, Captain ; H. P. Fabri- 

cius, First Lieutenant; William Hirt, 

Second Lieutenant. 
" D. Meritt W. Griswold, Captain ; William M. 

Wherry, First Lieutenant; Charles P. 

Johnson, Second Lieutenant. 
" E. W. A. Hequembourg, Captain; Felix 

Coste, First Lieutenant; Fritch Carl 

Adolph, Second Lieutenant. 
" F. Philip Weigel, Captain; John C. Blech, 

First Lieutenant; Max Kornex, Second 

Lieutenant. 
" G. George Dominick, Captain ; Charles Moel- 

ler, First Lieutenant ; Samuel P. Simpson, 

Second Lieutenant. 
" H. Henry Lischer, Captain ; Theodore Kalb, 

First Lieutenant ; Adolph Knipper, Second 

Lieutenant. 
« I. Robert Hundhausen, Captain ; Louis Due- 

strow, First Lieutenant ; J. Conrad Meyer, 

Second Lieutenant. 
" K. George A. Rowley, Captain; Edward J. 
Clark, First Lieutenant ; George E. Leigh- 
ton, Second Lieutenant. 

Fourth Regiment United States Reserve Corps. 
(Three months' service.) 

FIELD AND STAFF. 

B. Gratz Brown Colonel. 

Rudolph Wessclling Lieutenant-Colonel. 

S. B. Shaw Ma J or - 



128 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

John C. Yogel Quartermaster. 

Jacques Ravald Surgeon. 

George Kaufhold Adjutant. 

NON-COMMISSIONED STAFF. 

Ed. Schultz Commissary Sergeant. 

E. M. Joel Quartermaster-sergeant. 

Company A. Charles E. Adams, Captain ; George Kauf- 
hold, First Lieutenant ; G. C. Abert, 
Second Lieutenant. 

" B. Alexander G. Hequembourg, Captain 
Louis Schnell, First 'Lieutenant ; Charles 
Schnell, Second Lieutenant. 

" C. , Captain ; J. W. Koch, First 

Lieutenant ; Louis Keicholz, Second Lieu- 
tenant. 

" D. Louis Schneider, Captain ; Philip Winkel, 
First Lieutenant ; Charles Bromser, Second 
Lieutenant. 

" E. Charles Zimmer, Captain ; John Schenkel; 
First Lieutenant ; Henry Qbermueller, 
Second Lieutenant. 

" F. Peter Helle, Captain ; F. Merzwieler, First 
Lieutenant , Charles Knolle, Second Lieu- 
tenant. 
G. John H. Dierke, Captain ; Casper Kopp, 
First Lieutenant ; M. S. Hasie, Second 
Lieutenant . 

" H. William Heyl, Captain ; A. Loblein, First 
Lieutenant ; John Reuter, Second Lieu- 
tenant. 

" I. "William C. Jones, Captain ; John W. 
Stevens, First Lieutenant ; John W. Hol- 
man, Second Lieutenant. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 129 

Company K. Charles Osburg, Captain ; Julius Glade, 
First Lieutenant ; Henry Kleeman, Second 
Lieutenant. 

" L. Louis Loos, Captain ; G. Queruori, First 
Lieutenant ; M. Heiloseck, Second Lieu- 
tenant. 

" M. James C Campbell, Captain ; J. W. Wil- 
son, First Lieutenant ; John Obercombie, 
Second Lieutenant. 

Fifth Regiment United States Reserve Corps. 
(Three months' service.) 

FIELD AND STAFF. 

Charles G. Stifel Colonel. 

Robert White Lieutenant-Colonel. 

John Fisher Major. 

John K. Cummings .... Adjutant. 

John B. Mears Quartermaster. 

Adolph Gemmer Surgeon. 

William Drechsler Assistant Surgeon. 

Rudolph Docker Chaplain. 

Company A. E. H. Steinman, Captain ; Henry Wilke, 
First Lieutenant ; Otto Grassmer, Second 
Lieutenant. 

" B. Julius Krusch, Captain ; George Dietrich, 
First Lieutenant; Fred. Forthmann, Sec- 
ond Lieutenant. 

" C. Augustus Thorwald, Captain; Herman 
Schuk, First Lieutenant ; Bernard Win- 
gastner, Second Lieutenant. 

" D. William S. Herd, Captain; Joseph Tall- 
man, First Lieutenant ; William S. Robin- 
son, Second Lieutenant. 
6* 



130 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

Company E. Fred. Wedekind, Captain ; John Gutberlet, 

First Lieutenant; Fred. Barth, Second 

Lieutenant. 
" F. John 1ST. Herder, Captain ; Fred. Kreuter, 

First Lieutenant ; Fred. Lubbering, Second 

Lieutenant. 
" G. "William Lorbe, Captain; Henry Mester, 

First Lieutenant ; Fred. Pollmann, Second 

Lieutenant. 
" H. Charles F. Kock, Captain ; Gustav Knoch, 

First Lieutenant ; John B. Staunch, Second 

Lieutenant. 
" I. Charles Schoenbach, Captain ; Charles 

Beck, First Lieutenant ; Conrad Muller, 

Second Lieutenant. 
" K. James B. Tannehill, Captain ; Nicholas F. 

Wolff, First Lieutenant ; Philip Reeger, 

Second Lieutenant. 
Besides these ten regiments of volunteers and re- 
serve corps, there were some three or four hundred 
regular troops in the arsenal, and several extra com- 
panies of the old Citizens' Guard of January, ready to 
give assistance in case of necessity. In fact, had Lyon 
possessed the authority, he could have mustered in over 
twenty thousand men along the line of the Pacific, South- 
west Branch, North Missouri, and Hannibal and St. 
Joseph railroads as rapidly as the rolls could have been 
made out for the inspection of the mustering officer. 
To obtain such authority Lyon directed his attention to 
Washington. 

LYON BUSILY EMPLOYED. 

During these days the Captain was overwhelmed with 
work. lie made every effort to secure the necessary 
means for the comfort of the new recruits. The lanre 



AXD MISSOURI rx 1861. 131 

buildings in the arsenal were turned into barracks for 
the enlisted men, and lumber was obtained with which 
quarters were built upon unoccupied ground in the 
inclosure. Lyon gave up his own quarters to officers of the 
new regiments, and himself and Adjutant-General Chester 
Harding, Jr., occupied the little attic room in the cot- 
tage, to the north of the main arsenal building. Consid- 
erable engineering had been done inside the walls, and 
the arsenal was already in splendid condition for stub- 
born defense. In his provisions for the new army he 
was forming he shrank from no responsibility, leaving it 
for the Safety Committee to make the necessary explana- 
tions, and remove complaints, if any came from Wash- 
ington. It had been his object to save the arsenal; he 
now contemplated the project of saving Missouri. 

LINDELL GROVE. 

On Friday, May 3, 1861, the several militia organ 
izations of St. Louis, which had been in existence for 
some time, as well as the recent companies sworn into 
the State service, repaired to "Lindell Grove," at the 
western end of Olive street, in obedience to the order of 
Brigadier-General of State Militia D. M. Frost, and 
there established a camp, which was named by the com- 
mandant "Camp Jackson," in honor of the patriotic 
(ironically speaking) Governor of Missouri, who had 
evinced his judgment by telegraphing to President Lin- 
coln that Missouri would not furnish a single man, &c. 
The camp was laid out according to military rules, and 
the several avenues were named after prominent seces- 
sionists of the States already in rebellion. Thither 
repaired large numbers of young men who had been 
educated to believe that the South was right, and the 
North all wrong, and the success of the Republican 
party a cause for righteous war. The old companies 



132 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

reported at the camp almost disintegrated, but these 
new recruits filled the ranks up to respectable numbers. 

Although, of the old companies, many of the Union 
men had left — had joined the regiments at the arsenal, 
or had declined longer obedience to Claib Jackson — there 
were quite a number who did obey the order of General 
Frost, and performed duty at the camp. But their stay 
there was rendered exceedingly unpleasant, because of 
the treasonable talk of a very large majority of both 
officers and men, and their formal recognition and adop- 
tion of the rebellion by naming the streets of the camp 
in honor of rebels who had battered Fort Sumter. 

As I have detailed the organization of the Union forces 
under Lyon, I will here detail the organization (under- 
stood to be rebel) under Frost. There was not uncon- 
ditional Unionism enough there to leaven the smallest 
portion of the lump, although some of them afterward 
did noble work in the Union armies. 

OECxANIZATION OF STATE TROOPS AT CAMP JACKSON, 
MAY 3, 1861. 

Brisradier-General D. M. Frost . . Commanding. 
Lieutenant-Colonel R. S. Yoorhies . Adjutant-General. 

Major N. Wall Commissary. 

Major Henry W. Williams .... Quartermaster. 

Joseph Scott, M.D Surgeon. 

Major William D. Wood .... Aid-de-Camp. 

First Regiment. 

Lieutenant-Colonel John Knapp, Commanding. 

Captain N". Hatch A. Q. M. and A. C. S. 

Captain John B. Drew .... Paymaster. 

Lieutenant W. C. Buchanan . . Adjutant. 

A. J. P. Garesche Judge-Advocate. 

Louis T. Pimm, M.D Surgeon. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 133 

Company A. St. Louis Grays. Martin Burke, Captain ; 
Stephen O. Column, First Lieutenant; 
H. B. Belt, Second Lieutenant; R. 1ST 
Leonori, Third Lieutenant. Fifty-one 
rank and file. 

" B. Sarsfield Guards. Charles W. Rogers, 
Captain ; Thomas Curley, First Lieuten- 
ant (absent on Southwestern expedition) ; 
Hugh McDermott, Second Lieutenant. 
Forty-six rank and file. 

" C. Washington Guards. Robert Tucker, First 
Lieutenant (commanding) ; Thomas Moy- 
lan. Second Lieutenant ; Cornelius Heffer- 
nan, Third Lieutenant. Forty-eight rank 
and file. 

" D. Emmet Guards. Philip W. Coyne, Cap- 
tain. 

" E. Washington Blues. Joseph Kelly, Cap- 
tain; T. M. Furbar, Second Lieutenant. 
Forty-five rank and file. 

" F. Laclede Guards. Fraser, Captain. 

" G. Missouri Guards. George W. West, Cap- 
tain. 

" H. Jackson Guards. George W. Fletcher, 
Captain; J. M. Henning, First Lieutenant; 
William Morony, Second Lieutenant ; John 
Bullock, Third Lieutenant. Forty-six rank 
and file. 

" I. Grimsley Guards (organized Thursday 

night, May 2, 1861). R. N". Hart, Captain; 
Thomas Keith, First Lieutenant; R. C. 
Finney, Second Lieutenant; John Gross, 
Third Lieutenant. Forty-eight rank and 
file. 



134 GEN. 

Company K. Davis Guard. James Longuemare, Cap- 
tain ; L. Kretschmar, First Lieutenant ; 
A. Hopton, Second Lieutenant ; Julius 
Ladue, Third Lieutenant. Sixty-five rank 
and file. 

Squadron of Dragoons. Emmett McDonald, Captain. 

Second Regiment. 

John S. Bowen, Colonel. 

A. E. Steen, Lieutenant-Colonel. 

J. R. Shaler, Major. 

Engineer Corps of National Guards (former two com- 
panies of National Guards merged in one). 
William H. Finney, First Lieutenant ; 
Charles Perrine, Second Lieutenant; John 
M. Gilkerson, Third Lieutenant. On the 
ground May G. Forty rank and file. 
Company A. Independent Guards. Charles Fredericks, 
Captain ; Oliver Collins, Second Lieuten- 
ant. Charles McDonald, Third Lieutenant. 
" B. Missouri Videttes. O. H. Barrett, Cap- 
tain. Forty-five rank and file. 
" C. (Minute-men.) Basil W. Duke, Captain 

(the Morgan raider). 
" D. McLaren Guards (minute-men). Sandford 

Baptain. Sixty-one rank and file. 
" E. (Minute-men). Colton Greene, Captain, 

n F. Jackson Grays (minute-men). Garland, 

Captain. Sixty-five rank and file. 
" G. Dixie Guards (minute-men). Campbell, 

Captain. Forty-eight rank and file. 
H. Southern Guards (minute-men). J. H. 
Shackelford, Captain. Forty-five rank and 
file. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 135 

Company I. Carondelet Rangers. James M. Loughbor- 
ough, Captain. Fifty rank and file. 

The State law, under the old militia bill, authorized 
the annual existence of such a camp as this, in each 
military district, for six days . Since Jackson had issued 
his order for this gathering of the militia, the Legislature 
had organized, and every indication pointed to a speedy 
adoption of the new military bill. It was expected to 
continue the camp under the provisions of the latter. 
The design of the conspirators was to fill Camp Jackson 
with secessionists from the interior of the State, and such 
were constantly arriving after the formation of the 
camp. By Thursday and Friday, so numerous were the 
arrivals that it was contemplated forming a third reig- 
ment. 

General Frost, undoubtedly, as it was thouhgt, with 
the intention of attempting the capture of the arsenal, 
contemplated moving his camp to the elevated ground, 
about a quarter of a mile a little south of west of that 
place. His engineer inspected the ground, and reported 
favorably. It was given out that the purpose of the 
contemplated change was to instruct the command in 
the lessons of civil engineering and fortifications. Frost 
thought proper, however, to inform Lyon of the intended 
change ; but Lyon declared, in decided and unmistakable 
terms, that if any one, not authorized by him, stuck a 
peg or a spade in the selected ground, or on any other 
spot within shelling distance of the arsenal, he would 
turn his guns there, and salute the party with the music 
of shot and shell. Frost did not make the change. 

On the third day of the encampment the reporter of 
the Missouri Democrat, while quietly visiting the camp, 
was brutally maltreated by some ruffians, who struck 
him from behind. 



136 GEN. 



STOLEN ARMS FROM: BATON ROUGE. 

On Wednesday night, May 8, the steamer " J. C. 
Savon," just from New Orleans, loaded with arms, can- 
non, and ammunition, from the arsenal at Baton Rouge, 
La. (which the traitors had surprised and captured 
from the United States Government), discharged her 
freight at the levee at St. Louis. The material above 
described, which had been obtained through the agency 
of Colton Greene, acting as an agent of Claib Jackson, 
from the rebel authorities of the seceded States, was that 
same night removed to Camp Jackson. It is stated that 
from fifty to one hundred dray-loads were included in 
this murderous freight. Greene saw the goods safely 
lodged inside the camp, and on the morning of the 10th 
of May, accompanied by a company from the camp, he 
proceeded on the cars to Jefferson City with some of 
the stolen munitions of war. 

Lyon was cognizant of the whole proceeding, and had 
a strong notion to seize the boat at the levee before she 
could unload ; but after conversing with Mr. Blair, he 
agreed with the latter, and concluded to allow the 
material to be received in the camp, thus furnishing 
additional evidence of the treasonable nature of the 
camp. The Safety Committee met at the same time, 
and were strongly urged to seize the property before it 
could be taken to Lindell Grove, but they also agreed 
with the plan adopted by Lyon. The latter had already 
designed capturing the whole camp, but the opposition 
of a majority of the Safety Committee, upon a merely 
legal point, caused him to delay the movement. He 
now felt it his duty to act. 

It will be well enough to state that the Safety Com- 
mittee had for a long time back known of the mission of 
Colton Greene, and also of his expected return. Mr. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 137 

Broadhead had employed a detective at his own expense, 
and had dispatched him to Cairo with letters to General 
Prentiss ; but Greene evaded the vigilance of the detect- 
ive, and passed up undiscovered. 

LYON PRIVATELY DECLARES HIS PURPOSE. 

During the afternoon of Tuesday, May 7, Lyon re- 
quested Colonel Blair, Lieutenant-Colonel Chester Har- 
ding, and Franklin A. Dick to walk with him from his 
quarters, where they and others were at the time, to a 
room in the ordnance building, where they could be alone 
and undisturbed. After reaching the selected place and 
closing the door, Lyon began pacing the floor as if in 
deep thought, but abruptly halting, he said : " Mr. Dick, 
we must take Camp Jackson, and we must take it at 
once." He then proceeded to explain that, from informa- 
tion he considered reliable, and from all the public move- 
ments and expressions of State and city authorities, he 
was bound to regard the camp as a fearful menace, 
which by prompt action would amount to no more than 
bravado, but if suffered to continue and grow would 
become very shortly a source of serious trouble, and 
might result in terrible conflicts in the very streets of the 
city. He believed the Government should at once force 
Jackson to recognize its authority, and cease doing those 
things which were seemingly forcing Missouri into a 
position of antagonism toward it. He knew that he had 
to tread upon delicate ground, and that there were many 
who would remain quiet if allowed to, who would bolster 
up the rebels if they felt themselves secure, but who 
would become active Union men under the benignant 
influence of Union bayonets, as readily as they would 
become active rebels under opposite pressure. It grieved 
him to know that, beyond the walls of the arsenal and 
the headquarters of Union troops, Union men were j>ub< 



138 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

licly annoyed and persecuted, and this annoyance and 
persecution was increasing with the hours that increased 
over the existence of Camp Jackson. The Governor of 
Missouri was undoubtedly placing himself in such posi- 
tion that he could reasonably hope to successfully defy 
the Government of the Union, and he (Lyon) believed it 
to be the best policy to proceed against him before he 
had time to arm his minions and fill his depots with am- 
munition. So confident was he that Jackson was a trai- 
tor that he was anxious to assume the responsibility of 
proceeding against him as such. 

While yet they were talking, Captain Cavender knocked 
at the door and informed Colonel Blair the cars were 
waiting to take him to Jefferson Barracks, where his 
regiment was quartered. This broke up the conference, 
but the parties all expressed their concurrence with 
Lyon's views, and agreed to work together for the unan- 
imous consent of the Safety Committee to the plan. 

In special orders the President had recognized the 
Safety Committee as the power Captain Lyon must con- 
sult and secure, for authority, in any step like that he 
now so much desired to take. That committee, while 
entering into his feelings and purposes generally, in this 
one instance doubted the policy and hesitated to advise 
him to take the step ; but when he did act it was with 
their unanimous consent. 

The following is the order of the President alluded to 
above : 

Adjutant-General's Office, ) 

Washington City, D. C, April 30, 1861. [ 
Sir — The President of the United States directs that 
you enroll in the military service of the United States 
the loyal citizens of St. Louis and vicinity not exceed- 
ing, with those heretofore enlisted, ten thousand in num- 
ber, for the purpose of maintaining the authority of the 
United States, and for the protection of the peaceable 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 139 

inhabitants of Missouri. And you will, if deemed neces- 
sary for that purpose by yourself and by Messrs. 
Oliver D. Filley, John How, James O. Broadhead, Sam- 
uel T. Glover, J. J. Witzig, and Francis P. Blair, Jr., 
proclaim martial law in St. Louis. The additional force 
hereby authorized shall be discharged in part or in 
whole, if enlisted, as soon as it appears to you and the 
gentlemen above named that there is no danger of an 
attempt on the part of the enemies of the Government 
to take military possession of the city of St. Louis, or 
put the city in the control of a combination against 
the Government of the United States ; and whilst such 
additional force remains in the service, the same shall be 
governed by the Rules and Articles of War, and such 
special regulations as you may prescribe, and shall, like 
the force heretofore directed to be enrolled, be under 
your command. * * * • * * 

I am, sir, 

Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 
L. THOMAS, 

Adjutant- General. 
Capt. Nathaniel Lyon, 

Second Infantry, Commanding , St. Louis. 

LYON VISITS CAMP JACKSON. 

On Wednesday evening, Captain Lyon requested Mr. 
J. J. Witzig, one of the Safety Committee, to meet him 
the next day with a horse and buggy, at about two 
o'clock in the afternoon. On Thursday, May 9, at the 
appointed hour, and at headquarters, Witzig inquired 
for the " General."* He was directed to Lyon's private 
apartments. As he entered the room, Witzig saw a lady 
seated near the door, vailed, and evidently waiting for 
some one. He inquired of her if she wished to see the 
" General," and received in answer that she was waiting 

* Upon the organization of the first four regiments, it was the custom at the 
arsenal to address Captain Lyon as " General." 



140 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

for liim to come in. Witzig, remarking that he supposed 
the General would be in within a few minutes at furthest, 
seated himself by the window to await the coming of 
Lyon. After a few moments' interval, the lady arose, and 
removing her vail, discovered the features of Nathaniel 
Lyon. It can be imagined Witzig was amazed, for the 
deception was complete. In this attire (the dress of Mrs. 
Alexander), Captain Lyon, taking with him two Colt's 
revolvers, entered a barouche, belonging to Franklin A. 
Dick, Esq., and, with Mr. Dick's colored servant, drove 
out to Camp Jackson, and into the camp itself, followed 
by Witzig in his own buggy. 

Lyon took a good look through the camp, noticed its 
exact location, read the names of some of its streets, as, 
for instance, " Beauregard avenue," " Davis avenue," and 
the like, and then withdrew. After he had proceeded 
some distance toward the arsenal, he stopped and directed 
Witzig to leave him, and summon the members of the 
Safety Committee to meet him immediately at the arse- 
nal. Witzig hastened to obey. 

THE SAFETY COMMITTEE IN SESSION. 

Returning to his quarters, Lyon divested himself of 
his apparel, and then sought the headquarters office. It 
was not long before commanders of regiments received 
notice of a meeting for consultation, and Lyon pro- 
ceeded to confer with his confidant and friend, Colonel 
Blair. To him he announced his determination to take 
the camp ; he felt it to be his duty, fearing that longer 
delay might enable it to assume proportions so formi- 
dable as to endanger the safety of the State ; but he 
wanted the acquiescence of the Safety Committee. While 
yet talking the members of the Safety Committee were 
assembling, and, in the conference, Lyon stated the 
necessity for seizing the camp, and every man within 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 141 

it, and holding them as prisoners of war. He was 
warmly sustained by Blair and Witzig, and, seeing his 
determination, O. D. Filley and Broadhead also acqui- 
esced. Glover was decidedly opposed to the manner 
and the time of taking it, and was supported by How. 
These were all of the Safety Committee, and none 
others were present. 

Mr. Glover, while he desired the capture of the place, 
looked at the question in a purely legal light. The 
camp had legal existence for six days, which time would 
not expire until the following Sunday. The authorities 
controlling it recognized the Government of the United 
States, and had in no instance disturbed the peace ; the 
national flag was flying there, notwithstanding the rebel 
talk and rebel names of streets. True, there was prop- 
erty there believed to belong to the Government of the 
United States, but the way to reach that was by a writ 
of replevin, served by the United States Marshal. If 
General Frost refused to respect the writ, the Marshal 
could then call upon General Lyon for assistance, and 
thus the object be gained. 

Lyon argued the impropriety of Frost being allowed 
time to prepare for resistance, when the whole enterprise 
could be managed successfully without the firing of a 
gun. He knew the camp to be a nest of traitors ; the 
Legislature was in secret session, and even then a new 
military law might be in operation ; certainly if not then, 
it would be in a day or so. Advices from all parts of the 
State were discouraging to Union men, and the rebels 
were gathering in strength. On Sunday General Harney 
would arrive, and no one could tell what he would do. 
Camp Jackson must be taken. 

At the mention of the fact of General Harney's return- 
ing, Mr. Glover agreed with the necessity of breaking 
up the camp at once ; but he thought it would be best to 



142 GEN. 

have the United States Marshal at the head of the column, 
and that official first to make the demand for the property 
brought up by the " Swpn ;" and "when the conference 
dissolved, it seemed to be understood that such should 
be the mode of procedure. But when alone with Mr. 
Blair he declared his determination to issue orders imme- 
diately for every regiment to be in readiness to march at 
a moment's notice, and of his determination to capture 
the entire force at the camp, without any ceremony, 
other than a demand for its absolute surrender. If he 
made the demand for property, it must be in vague terms, 
and Frost might put him off with some old material, 
claiming it as all he had received. Even if Frost made a 
bona-fide surrender of the " Swon " freight, it would not 
serve his purpose. He wanted the whole force, with all 
their camp and garrison equipage, and to follow up such 
a seizure by striking a deadly blow at secession in the 
State. He did not desire to look at the question as a law- 
yer ; he proposed acting as a soldier. He looked upon 
the formula of using the United States Marshal as an 
ao-ent, as a mere subterfuge, it beino; his intention not to 
be satisfied with a simple compliance with the require- 
ments of the mere letter of the law. He wanted the 
camp, the men in it, officers and enlisted men, all its 
warlike material. He knew it to be a nest of traitors, 
organized with designs of hostility toward the United 
States, and only awaiting a favorable moment to strike. 
Its commander had received rebel agents, and United 
States property, stolen by rebels in the South ; that com- 
mander recognized also the authority of the Governor of 
Missouri as above the authority of the United States 
Government. For these reasons, and many more of 
minor importance also, Lyon had resolved to act, and he 
resolved to act as a soldier, and not as a lawyer. He 
should demand a surrender with Lis men in line of battle, 



AXD MISSOURI 1^ 18G1. 143 

and his cannon in choice positions ; and if the demand was 
not complied with at once, he would fight for it. Colonel 
Blair agreed with him and sustained him ; and Lyon did 
not seek rest that night until every order had been pre- 
pared, every Colonel instructed, and every detail 
arranged. 

THE ORDER FOR HORSES. 

On the 9th of May, some time previous to his visit 
to Camp Jackson, Capt. Lyon dispatched Lieut. Thur- 
neck-with a note to Giles F. Filley, requesting that gen- 
tleman to procure and send to him at the arsenal, by 4 
o'clock, P.M., thirty-six horses. Mr. Filley called at once 
upon Mr. James Harkness (Glasgow & Harkness) for 
assistance in purchasing the horses. Twenty-two were 
purchased at the stables of Messrs. Glasgow & Harkness 
and forwarded by Lieut. Thurneck to the arsenal, while 
Messrs. Filley and Harkness visited other places, in order 
to secure the balance of the desired number. Enough 
were brought to make up, with some few which were 
-loaned by Union citizens, to fill the order ; and Giles F. 
Filley and O. D. Filley, signed their names as securities 
to Mr. Harkness for their jmyment. Lyon in this matter 
disregarded army regulations, because of his personal 
distrust of Major McKinstry, the Department Chief 
Quartermaster. In fact, Major McKinstry was ignorant 
of the design upon Camp Jackson, until within an hour 
or so of its capture. He afterward interposed delay in 
the payment for these horses, but Mr. Harkness visited 
Boonville in June, and procured a peremptory order 
from Lyon. 

EXCITIJSTG RUMORS. 

" Rumor, * the ten thousand tongued,' yesterday ran 
wild with fantasies, iLonstrous and awful. She averred 



144 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

that the steamer { J. C. Swon ' had arrived Monday night, 
loaded down with muskets and cannon, mortars and 
columbiads, all of which had been taken to Camp Jack- 
son. The arms were from England — seventy thousand 
stand — to enable the State to subjugate the city ! or 
there were but fifty thousand, enough to capture Frank 
Blair. They came in big boxes, labeled ' marble ;' or 
they came in sugar hogsheads from Louisiana. Again, 
there probably were fifteen thousand sent up from the 
Southern Confederacy. Thus the multitude of arms 
diminished to five thousand, and finally to twelve hun- 
dred. As an item- writer we were disgusted with the 
smallness of the latter number, and determined to have 
not a gun less than five thousand, believing this a most 
reasonable quantity for the times. Later still, wild 
rumor ran stark mad ; with white lips she declared that 
Frank Blair was marching to take Camp Jackson, Gov- 
ernor Jackson, and the secesh Legislature, with the 
intention to hang them all." — [Mo. Democrat, May 10, 
1861.] 

TENTH OF MAY, 1861. 

Friday, May 10, 1861 — day ever memorable in the 
history not only of Missouri, but of the nation ; mem- 
orable as being the day on which the first blow was 
struck by loyalty against the gigantic front of unjusti- 
fiable rebellion ; memorable as the day on which Free- 
dom, wielding the sword of truth and justice, stood 
forth in the splendid majesty of resistless power. The 
struggle that statesmen failed to appreciate, the necessi- 
ties that statesmen failed to realize, were grasped at once 
by the ready mind of a patriotic captain of infantry, who 
had been nurtured in camps, and in the fierce conflicts of 
the field of battle. It was the comprehension of un- 
trammeled patriotism that solved the problem ; and 
obedience to the plainest requirements of duty that 
prompted not only preparation, but action. Noble 
champion of the right ! hero of bewildered humanity ! 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 145 

ye shall this day send vigorous currents of electricity 
through the life-courses of the almost paralyzed admin- 
istration. Ye stand forth in the conduct of this day the 
fullest expression of that patriotism which in every city 
of the free North, on every way-side from the Atlantic 
to Idaho, is demonstrated by myriad flags from myriad 
house-tops, and in the rush to arms of countless thou- 
sands. 

LETTER FROM GENERAL FROST TO CAPTAIN LYOiN. 

On the morning of the 10th General Frost, placing 
some confidence in the numerous reports, upon being 
informed of the unusual activity at the Union Barracks, 
sent the following letter to Captain Lyon. He little 
thought Lyon would be the bearer of his own reply. 

Headquarters, Camp Jackson, ) 
Missouri Militia, May 10, 18G1. j 

Captain N". Lyon, Commanding United States troops in 
and about St. Louis Arsenal : 

Sir — I am constantly in receipt of information that you 
contemplate an attack upon my camp ; whilst I under- 
stand you are impressed with the idea that an attack 
upon the arsenal and United States troops is intended on 
the part of the militia of Missouri. I am greatly at a loss 
to know what could justify you in attacking citizens of 
the United States, who are in the lawful performance of 
duties devolving upon them, under the Constitution, in 
organizing and instructing the militia of the State in 
obedience to her laws, and therefore have been disposed 
to doubt the correctness of the information I have 
received. 

I would be glad to know from you personally whether 
there is any truth in the statements that are constantly 
poured into my ears. So far as regards any hostility 
being intended toward the United States, or its prop- 
erty or representatives, by any portion of my command, 
or as far as I can learn (and I think I am fully informed) 
of any other part of the State forces, I can say positively 



146 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

that the idea has never been entertained. On the con- 
trary, prior to your taking command of the arsenal, I 
proffered to Major Bell, then in command of the very few 
troops constituting its guard, the services of myself and 
all my command, and, if necessary, the whole power of 
the State, to protect the United States in the full posses- 
sion of all her property. Upon General Harney's taking 
command of this department, I made the same proffer of 
services to him, and authorized his Adjutant-General, 
Captain Williams, to communicate the fact that such had 
been done to the War Department. I have had no occa- 
sion since to change any of the views I entertained at 
that time, neither of my own volition nor through orders 
of my constitutional commander. 

I trust that after this explicit statement we may be 
able, by fully understanding each other, to keep far 
from our borders the misfortunes which so unhappily 
afflict our common country. 

This communication will be handed to you by Col 
Bowen, my Chief of Staff, who may be able to explain, 
anything not fully set forth in the foregoing. 
I am, sir, 

Very respectfully, 

Your ob't servant, 
D. M. FROST, Brigadier- General, 
Comrnanding Camp Jackson, 31. V. M. 

Colonel Bowen proceeded with this letter to the 
arsenal, but was not received. Lyon was preparing to 
call on Frost. It may be well enough, right here, to 
introduce the letter which General Frost wrote under 
date of April 15 ; which*, taken in connection with the 
letter previously written, under date of January 24, 
1861, shows the exact amount of confidence to be placed 
in the foregoing epistle. The following letter was cap- 
tured in June, 1861, with other less important corre- 
spondence of Claib Jackson, at Boonville and Jefferson 
City ; all of which, however, went to prove his deter- 
mination to side with the rebellion. 



ANTD MISSOURI IN 1861. 147 

The letter referred to is as follows: 

St. Louis, Missouri, April 15, 1861. 

His Excellency C. F. Jackson, Governor of Missouri : 

Sir — You have doubtless observed by this morning's 
dispatches that the President, by calling seventy-five 
thousand of the militia of the different States into the 
service of his Government, proposes to inaugurate civil 
war on a comprehensive plan. 

Under the circumstances, I have thought it not inap- 
propriate that I should offer some suggestions to your 
Excellency, in my capacity of commanding officer of the 
First Military District. 

Presuming that Mr. Lincoln will be advised by good 
military talent, he will doubtless regard this place as 
next in importance, in a strategic point of view, to 
Charleston and Pensacola. He will therefore retain at 
the arsenal all of the troops now there, and augment it 
as soon as possible. The commanding officer at that 
place, as you are perhaps aware, has strengthened his 
position by the erection of numerous batteries and earth- 
works. You are not, however, aware that he has recently 
put in position guns of large calibre, to command the 
approaches to the city by the river, as well as heavy ten- 
inch mortars, with which he could at any moment bom- 
bard our town. 

If, therefore, he is permitted to go on strengthening 
his position, whilst the Government increases his force, 
it will be but a short time before he will have this town 
and the commerce of the Mississippi at his mercy. You 
will readily see how this complete possession and control 
of our commercial metropolis might, and in all proba- 
bility would, affect any future action that the State might 
otherwise feel disposed to take. 

I fully appreciate the very delicate position occupied 
by your Excellency, and do not expect you to take any 
action, or do anything not legal and proper to be done 
under the circumstances ; but, nevertheless, would respect- 
fully suggest the following, as both legal and proper, 
viz. : 

First — To call the Legislature together at once, for 



148 GEN. 

the purpose of placing the State in a condition to enable 
you to suppress insurrection or repel invasion. 

Second — To send an agent to the Governor of Louis- 
iana (or further, if necessary), to ascertain if mortars and 
siege guns could be obtained from Baton Rouge, or 
other points. 

Third — To send an agent to Liberty, to see what is 
there, and to put the people of that vicinity on their 
guard, to prevent its being garrisoned — as several compa- 
nies of United States troops will be at Fort Leaven- - 
worth, from Fort Kearney, in ten or fifteen days from 
this time. 

Fourth— Publish a proclamation to the people of the 
State, warning them that the President has acted ille- 
gally in calling out troops, thus arrogating to himself 
the war-making power ; that he has illegally ordered the 
secret issue of the public arms (to the number of five 
thousand) to societies in the State, who have declared 
their intention to resist the constituted authorities when- 
ever those authorities may adopt a course distasteful to 
them ; and that they are, therefore, by no means bound 
to give him aid or comfort in his attempts to subjugate, 
by force of arms, a people who are still free ; but, on the 
contrary, that they should prepare themselves to main- 
tain all their rights as citizens of Missouri. 

Fifth — Authorize or command the commanding offi- 
cer of the present military district to form a military 
camp of. instruction at or near the city of St. Louis; to 
muster military companies into the service of the State; 
to erect batteries, and do all things necessary and proper 
to be done to maintain the peace, dignity, and sovereignty 
of the State. 

Sixth — Order Colonel Bowen's whole command to 
proceed at once to the said camp, and report to the com- 
manding officer for duty. 

Doubtless many tilings which ought to be done will 
occur to your Excellency which have not to me, and 
your Excellency may deem what I have suggested as 
improper or unnecessary. If so, I can only say that I 
have been actuated solely by a sense of official duty in 
saying what I have, and will most cheerfully acquiesce in 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 149 

whatever course your Excellency may lay down for my 
government. 

I would not presume to have advised your Excel- 
lency, but for the fact you were kind enough to express 
a desire to consult with me upon these subjects on your 
recent visit to this city. 

I am, sir, very respectfully, 
Your obedient servant, 

13. M. FROST, Brigadier- General, 
Commanding First Mil. Dis. of Ho. 

P. S. — I highly approve of the suggestions of General 
Frost, and await your commands. 

J. A. BROWNLEE. 



CAPTURE 017 CAMP JACKSON. 

The regiments selected by Lyon to assist in the cap- 
ture of Camp Jackson were the First, Second, Third, 
and Fourth Mo. Vols., and the Third and Fourth 
"Home Guards" (Reserve Corps). The First and Second 
Home Guards were also on duty, protecting the arsenal 
and the city. Most of the " regulars " were also employed 
at the camp. Colonel Blair, preceded by a battalion of 
regulars, under Sweeney, marched to and through 
Laclede avenue, from Jefferson Barracks, and got into line 
west of the camp. Colonels Boernstein moved up Pine 
street, Schuttner up Market street, Sigel up Olive, Brown 
up Morgan, and McNeil up Clark avenue, and when all 
were in position, the camp was completely surrounded ; 
six pieces of light artillery were also quickly posted on 
elevated sites, in the vicinity of, and thoroughly com- 
manding, the camp. Captain Lyon rode at the head of 
the battalion of regulars. 

So nice were Lyon's calculations, and so prompt was 
the obedience of his subordinates, that the heads of the 
several columns were seen drawing near the camp at the 



150 GEN. 

same time. As the soldiers marched through the streets, 
the curiosity of the citizens was aroused to the utmost 
extent, and the belief gained ground that it was designed 
to capture Camp Jackson. Consequently, large crowds 
followed the Union troops to watch the progress of 
events, never doubting for a moment but that if a fight 
should occur they could stand by unharmed and witness 
it all. For many squares off the roofs of houses, from 
which the camp or the soldiers could be viewed, were 
crowded by anxious spectators of every political procliv- 
ity. One might have been justified in imagining it a 
grand gala day, instead of an episode in frightful war 
and a prelude to violent death. 

Upon reaching the vicinity of the camp, to prepare for 
action was but the work of a moment ; and Lyon, satis- 
fied with the position of his own forces, rode up to 
Sweeney and said : " Sweeney, if their batteries open on 
you, deploy your leading company as skirmishers, charge 
on the nearest battery, and take it." Lyon then sent 
Major B. G. Farrar with the following letter to Frost : 

Headquarters United States Troops, ) 
St. Louis, Mo., May 10, 1861. } 

General D. M. Frost, Commanding Camp Jcickson : 

Sir — Your command is regarded as evidently hostile 
to the Government of the United States. 

It is for the most part made up of those secessionists 
who have openly avowed their hostility to the General 
Government, and have been plotting at the seizure of its 
property and the overthrow of its authority. You are 
openly in communication with the so-called Southern 
Confederacy, which is now at war with the United 
States ; and you are receiving at your camp, from said 
Confederacy and under its flag, large supplies of the 
material of war, most of which is known to be the prop- 
erty of the United States. These extraordinary prepa- 
rations plainly indicate none other than the well-known 



AND MISSOURI IN 18G1. 151 

purpose of the Governor of this State, under whose 
orders you are acting, and whose purpose, recently com- 
municated to the Legislature, has just been responded to 
in the most unparalleled legislation, having in direct 
view hostilities to the General Government and co- 
operation with its enemies. 

In view of these considerations, and of your failure to 
disperse in obedience to the proclamation of the Presi- 
dent and of the eminent necessities of State policy and 
welfare, and the obligations imposed upon me by instruc- 
tions from Washington, it is my duty to demand, and I 
do hereby demand of you, an immediate surrender of 
your command, with no other conditions than that all 
persons surrendering under this demand shall be hu- 
manely and kindly treated. Believing myself prepared 
to enforce this demand, one-half hour's time before 
doing so will be allowed for your compliance therewith. 
Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 
N. LYON, 
Captain Second United States Infantry, 

Commanding Troops. 

After a short time had elapsed, sufficient for the letter 
from Lyon to have been received and read by Frost, three 
loud cheers were heard from the men in the camp. They 
were just such cheers as soldiers give when they are satis- 
fied with results, and Sweeney, thinking the cheers meant 
fight, ordered his two companies of regulars to move 
their cartridge-boxes to the front, which to an old soldier 
means " prepare for action.'''' 

It was but a few minutes after this that a horseman 
rode out from the camp, and approaching Lyon, handed 
him a note.* Having concluded the reading, Lyon 
remarked : " Sweeney, they surrender." Sweeney turned 
to his men, and ordered them to replace their cartridge- 

* The note was from Frost, in which that officer protested, against Lyon's 
demand, but announced his surrender, as he was not in a condition to resist. 



152 

boxes, which they did with an air of disappointment. 
The rebels had been so boastful of their whipping great 
odds, that those loyalists felt like having a bout at it. 
Lyon dismounted, and was immediately kicked in the 
stomach by the horse of one of his aids, which placed 
him senseless. While he was in this condition William 
D. Wood, Frost's Adjutant-General, rode up and inquired 
for General Lyon. Sweeney, desiring to conceal Lyon's 
condition from the enemy, replied that he would receive 
any message intended for General Lyon. 

Wood then replied : " General Frost sends his com- 
pliments to General Lyon, and wishes to know if the 
officers will be allowed to retain their side-arms, what 
disposition shall be made of Government property, and 
if a guard will be sent to relieve his men now on post, 
and take possession of everything, when the camp shall 
be evacuated ? " 

Sweeney replied that officers would be allowed to 
retain their side-arms ; the public property confiscated to 
the L T nited States ; private property collected, and guards 
be detailed to protect both. Wood then rode off, and 
Sweeney returned to Lyon, to find him slowly recover- 
ing. When informed, Lyon expressed satisfaction at 
Sweeney's conduct, and ordered the latter to inform 
Colonel Blair of his wish he should move the First Mis- 
souri Infantry into Camp Jackson and take possession ; 
but as Sweeney rode off he recalled him and changed the 
order, substituting Sweeney and the two companies of 
regulars for Blair and the First Missouri, remarking that 
he must have Blair with him at the arsenal. Sweeney 
obeyed, and remained at the camp until the following 
day about one, P.M., at which time everything had 
been removed to the arsenal. Upon the entrance of 
Sweeney into Camp Jackson, Frost's men stacked 
arms and marched out between the ranks of the Union 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 153 

soldiers (First Missouri Volunteers), who were faced 
inward. 

THE CATASTROPHE AFTER THE SURRENDER. 

I should he indeea happy if I could conclude this ac- 
count of the capture of Camp Jackson without being 
obliged to record that it was accompanied by some 
scenes of shameful ruffianism. 

Captain C. Blandowski, of Company F. (Third Mis- 
souri Volunteers), had been ordered with his company 
to guard the western gateway leading into the camp. 
The surrendered troops had passed out, and were 
standing passively between the inclosing lines on the 
road, when a crowd of disunionists began hostile 
demonstrations against Company F. At first these 
demonstrations consisted only of vulgar epithets and 
the most abusive language; but the crowd, encour- 
aged by the forbearance and the silence of the Fed- 
eral soldiers, began hurling rocks, brickbats, and other 
missiles at the faithful company. Notwithstanding 
several of the company were seriously hurt by these 
missiles, each man remained in line, which so emboldened 
the crowd that they discharged pistols at the soldiers, 
at the same time yelling and daring the latter to fight. 
Not until one of his men was shot dead, several severely 
wounded, and himself shot in the leg, did the Captain 
feel it his duty to retaliate ; and as he fell, he commanded 
his men to fire. The order was obeyed, and the multi- 
tude fell back, leaving upon tile grass-covered ground 
some twenty of their number, dead or dying. Some 
fifteen were instantly killed, and several others died 
within an hour. Several of Sigel's men were wounded, 
and two killed. 

The following is taken from the morning papers of 

the 13th of May,, and was written by Captain Lyon 

7 # 



154 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

himself. It is a full account of the disturbances at the 
west side of the camp, and at the artillery station. 

THE FIRING AT CAMP JACKSON OFFICIAL STATEMENT. 

The first firing was some half-dozen shots near the 
head of the column, composed of the First Regiment, 
which was guarding the prisoners. It occurred in this 
wise : The artillery were stationed upon the bluff north- 
east of Camp Jackson, with their pieces bearing on the 
camp. The men of this command were most insultingly 
treated by the mob with the foulest epithets ; were 
pushed, struck, and pelted with stones and dirt. All 
this was patiently borne, until one of the mob discharged 
a revolver at the men. At this they fired, but not more 
than six shots, which were sufficient to disperse that 
portion of the mob. How many were killed by this fire 
is not known. None of the First Regiment (Colonel 
Blair's) fired, although continually and shamefully 
abused by both prisoners and the mob. The second and 
most destructive firing was from the rear of the column 
guarding the prisoners. The mob at the point interven- 
ing between Camp Jackson and the rear of the column, 
and in fact on all sides, were very abusive ; and one of 
them, on being expostulated with, became very belliger- 
ent, drew his revolver, and fired at Lieutenant Saxton, 
of the regular army, three times, during which a crowd 
around him cheered him on, many of them drawing 
their revolvers, and firing at the United States troops. 
The man who commenced the firing, preparatory to a 
fourth shot, laid his pistol across his arm, and was tak- 
ing deliberate aim at Lieutenant Saxton, when he was 
thrust through with a bayonet, and fired upon at the 
same time, being killed instantly. 

Here, the column of troops having received the order 
to march, Lieutenant Saxton's command passed on, and 
a company in his rear became the object of a furious 
attack from the mob. After several of them were shot 
they came to a halt and fired with fatal effect. The mob, 
in retreating from both sides of the line, returned the 
fire, and the troops replied again. The command was 
then given by General Lyon to cease firing, and the order 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 155 

was promptly obeyed as rapidly as it could be passed 
along the line. 

The sad results are much to be lamented. The killing 
of innocent men, women, and children is deplorable. There 
was no intention to fire upon peaceable citizens. The 
regular troops were over in the camp, beyond the mob, 
and in range of the firing. The troops manifested every 
forbearance, and at last discharged their guns, simply 
obeying the impulse , natural to us all, of self-defense. 

If innocent men, Avomen, and children, whose curiosity 
placed them in a dangerous position, suffered with the 
guilty, it is no fault of the troops. 

Authorized by 

N. LYOK 



THE LIST OF THE DEAD AT CAMP JACKSON. 

Several of the dead were carried off, and did not come 
under the notice of the coroner ; several of the wounded 
were also carried off, and only a few of those that subse- 
quently died were officially reported. The following 
are the names of those who died from wounds received 
in this affray, whose bodies were attended to by the 
coroner ; fifteen of them were immediately killed : 
Philip Leister, . Armand Latour, 

John Sweikhardt, John Waters, 

Caspar H. Glencoe, Thomas A. Hahren, 

* William Eisenhardt, J. J. Jones, 

* P. Doane, Erie Wright, 
Henry Jungle, James McDonald, 
Walter McDowell, Francis Wheelan, 

* Nicholas Knoblock, Charles Bodsen, 
Jacob Carter, Mrs. Elisa McAuliff, 
Emma Somers, Christopher Dean, 
John Roepe, or Koeper, John Underwood, 
William Juenhower, John English, 

* Belonged to Frost's command ; the "balance were citizens. 



156 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

William Sheffield, Jaques Gerde, • 

William Patton Somers, Benjamin Dunn.' 

Among the wounded were : 
Dr. Ropke, C. Wilson, 

Thomas Meek, John James Scherer, . 

Jerome Downey, Fred. D. Allen, 

W. L. Carroll, Bradford, 

John Rice, John Matthews. 

Of the Federal troops, one private was killed, and Cap- 
tain Blandowski died the next day of his wounds. Sev- 
eral were wounded. 

At about six o'clock, P. M., victors and prisoners took 
up their line of march for the arsenal. For some dis- 
tance the Union soldiers were subjected to the most 
insulting abuse by the crowd ; but Lyon was unceasingly 
vigilant, and prevented the indignant men from visiting 
summary punishment upon their enemies. 

SECESSION MOB. 

That Friday night witnessed the last and the culmin- 
ating ebullition of secesh rage and frenzy in St. Louis. 
Around the Planters' House the secessionists gathered . 
in crowds, and made the air resound with their curses. 
Cheers were given for Jeff Davis, and groans for " Yan- 
kee Lyon," " Frank Blair," " Infidel Boernstein," and the 
"D — d Dutch." Threats were loudly and frequently 
made that the latter should be exterminated to the last 
man. Secesh orators addressed the crowd in the most 
exciting manner, talking the most blatant treason. The 
minute-men's headquarters, at the old Berthold mansion, 
were crowded with infuriated traitors, and the rebel 
flag, flying from the roof, was repeatedly cheered. About 
nine o'clock a large crowd started from the Berthold 
mansion, shouting, " To the Democrat office," " Tear the 
d — d thing down," &c, &c. Turning Pine street they 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 157 

proceeded up Fourth and down Locust streets, yelling 
hideous noises, and cheering the State Journal, and 
Jeff Davis. 

CHIEF OF POLICE MCDONOUGH. 

Fortunate indeed was it for the city of St. Louis in 
general, and the proprietors of the Missouri Democrat in 
particular, that the police force were under the control, 
during those troublous times, of such a chief as James 
McDonough. Whatever may have been his sympathies 
or predilections in the great political issues of that day, 
he did not allow them to interfere with his official duties. 
Regarding himself as a conservator of the peace, he 
struggled to prevent violence and enforce order. On the 
night in question he was exceedingly vigilant, and with 
admirable foresight had so arranged his force that he 
could furnish assistance to any of the newspapers which 
might be threatened by a mob. As the crowd rushed 
down Locust street and across Second street, they were 
greeted by a platoon of thirty policemen, who, with 
bayonets fixed, were in line extending across the street, 
and facing the mob. The Chief soon gave them to under- 
stand that his duty was to keep the peace, and he intended 
faithfully to discharge that duty. The crowd reflected, 
and hearing orders given, in case of resistance, to use 
both ball and bayonet, set up a shout of derision, but 
did not advance. Finally, convinced they were wasting 
time in that locality, they turned around, and shouting 
" Anzeiger ! " " Anzeiger ! " moved off to attack that office. 
McDonough had some of his men there also, but they 
were strongly backed by a company or two of Sigel's 
soldiers. The mob then moved off toward the Planters' 
House and the Berthold mansion, and until after mid- 
night groups were standing in many places throughout 
that portion of the city, engaged in boisterous con versa- 



158 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

tion upon the events of the day, and cursing the " D — d 
Dutch." 

As day rolled up the curtain of night, on the morrow 
of that eventful 10th of May, a hideous picture was re- 
vealed to the " enlightened genius " of the century. The 
threats of the ruffians on the previous night had not 
been vainly uttered. A foretaste was had of that bar- 
barity which afterward gave Andersonville and Mil- 
len to history, and which in many instances failed of the 
full benefits of occasional victory, in the anxiety to rob 
the Federal dead, who had heroically fallen upon the 
field of battle. The threat to " exterminate the d — d 
Dutch " was carried out on that Friday night in too 
many instances. Early on the morning of Saturday a 
dead German was found on Market street near Fifteenth 
street ; another on the corner of Tenth street and Clark 
avenue, just on the edge of the Chouteau pond ; another 
on the corner of Franklin avenue and Seventh street ; 
another in an alley between Franklin avenue and Morgan 
street. During the forenoon of this Saturday a soldier 
of the ttiited States Reserve Corps (a German), with a 
musket in his hand, while walking up Sixth street, when 
near Chestnut, was met by a secessionist, who shot him 
in the breast and immediately fled. Before any one 
could reach the soldier, he was dead, and though the 
assassination was witnessed by several, no one would 
aid in the arrest of the assassin, not even by giving a 
description. About the same time, on Market street 
near Ninth street, a German was attacked by a crowd, 
beaten almost to insensibility, and dragged by a rope 
tied to his leg, to Chestnut street, after which nothing 
was heard of him. 

THE STATE JOURNAL IN A RAGE. 

On the morning of the 11th, the Staee Journal, in 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 159 

its accounts of the taking of Camp Jackson, indulged in 
the most outrageous expressions, styling the noble Lyon 
as " this man Lyo?i" alias " Numidian Lyon," alias 
" Lyon the murderer." In order to produce excitement 
and propagate disturbance, it manufactured the most 
horrible lies, and filled its columns with the most trea- 
sonable matter. Lyon was too busy at the arsenal to 
notice it just then — he will notice it after awhile. 

THE MAYOR'S PROCLAMATION. 

On the morning of the 11th, the following proclama- 
tion was issued by the Mayor, who exercised commend- 
able energy in the adoption of measures to preserve the 
peace : 

PROCLAMATION. 

Mayor's Office, \ 
City Hall, May 11, 1861. j 
In view of the prevailing excitement, and for the pur- 
pose of removing, as far as possible, all causes of addi- 
tional irritation, and of maintaining the public peace, I, 
Daniel G. Taylor, Mayor of the city of St. Louis, hereby 
respectfully request all owners and keepers of bars, 
drinking-shops, beer-houses, and other places where 
intoxicating liquors are sold, to close the same forthwith, 
and keep them closed during the continuance of the 
present excitement. 

I also, by virtue of the power in me vested by act of 
the Legislature, require all minors to keep within doors 
three days next succeeding the issuing of this proclama- 
tion. I also request of all good citizens to remain within 
doors after nightfall, as far as practicable, and to avoid 
all tumultuous gatherings and meetings. 

Relying upon the loyalty and good judgment of his 
fellow-citizens, the undersigned confidently expects a 
cordial compliance with these requests. 

DANIEL G. TAYLOR, 
Attest : Mayor. 

William S. Cuddy, 

City Register. 



160 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 



MATERIALS AND MEN CAPTURED ON THE TENTH, AT THE 

CAMP. 

During the forenoon of Saturday, Captain Sweeney- 
was also engaged in forwarding to the arsenal the cap- 
tured material from Camp Jackson. The following 
were among the articles found in the camp ; 
Three thirty-two-pounders. 
Three mortar-beds. 

A large quantity of balls and bombs, in ale barrels. 
Artillery pieces, in boxes of heavy plank, the boxes 

marked " marble," " Tamaroa, care of Greeley & Gale, 

St. Louis — Iron Mountain Railroad." 
Twelve hundred rifles, of late model, United States 

manufacture. 
Tents and camp equipage. 
Six brass field-pieces. 
Twenty-five kegs of powder. 
Ninety-six ten-inch bomb-shells. 
Three hundred six-inch bomb shells. 
Six brass mortars, six inches diameter. 
One iron mortar, ten inches. 
Three iron cannon, six inches. 
Five boxes of canister shot. 
Fifty artillery swords. 
Two hundred and twenty-seven spades. 
Thirty-eight hatchets. 
Eleven mallets. 

One hundred and ninety-one axes. 
Forty horses. 

Several boxes of new muskets. 
A very large number of musket stocks and musket 

barrels ; together with lots of bayonets, bayonet 

scabbards, &c. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 161 

One thousand one hundred and ten enlisted men were 
taken prisoners, besides from fifty to seventy-five officers. 
Between five and six o'clock, Saturday evening, they 
were all discharged oil parole, excepting one, Captain 
Emmett McDonald, who insisted upon a free discharge, 
and was finally released by writ of habeas corpus. 

FLIGHT OP STEELING PRICE. 

By the Jefferson train, on the morning of the 11th, 
Sterling Price left the city for the State capital. As he 
crossed the Osage, over the ruins of the destroyed 
bridge, he remarked to a gentleman (who passed him on 
the bridge), in response to an inquiry: " All is lost ; there 
is no hope now." Two days after this, he was appointed 
by Claib Jackson to the command of the " Missouri 
State Guard," under the new Military bill, with the rank 
of Major-General. 

SECESII EXCITEMENT ON THE ELEVENTH OP MAY. 

On that Saturday, it was a bold act for any known 
■Union man to show his face upon the street north of 
Walnut, south of Cass avenue, and east of Twelfth 
street. As a general thing, good citizens obeyed the 
Mayor's proclamation. An incident will show the 
temper of the people on that day. A gentleman named 
Nash, from Springfield, Illinois, stopping at the Everett 
House, learned that he could hire a negro woman that 
would be of service to him as a servant in his household 
at Springfield, at a place on Chouteau avenue, and in 
order to procure her he obtained a buggy, and went in 
search of the locality. He was successful, and having 
concluded a bargain with her, took the woman in his 
buggy, intending to leave the city that afternoon. He 
was driving up Fourth street, when a gang of ruffians 
seized his horse, and charged him with being a " nigger 



162 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

thief." Full explanations were made, but only secured 
the privilege of proceeding on his journey without 
the negro. The woman begged to be allowed to go 
with her master, but to no purpose ; and Mr. Nash was 
glad enough to even escape without her. The gang was 
by no means polite in any of their expressions, and Mr. 
Nash thought himself lucky to get off as he did. 

MOB ATTACK ON THE HOME GUARDS. 

The Fifth Regiment of the U. S. Reserve Corps (Col- 
onel Stifel) had just been mustered in by Captain Lyon, 
and on Saturday afternoon, under the command of Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Robert White, was proceeding to its bar- 
racks, when it was attacked by a mob on the corner of 
Walnut and Fifth streets. For some time the regiment 
continued to march along, unheeding the violent abuse 
and filthy epithets applied to the soldiers by ruffians in 
the crowd. As at Camp Jackson, the mob were embold- 
ened by the seeming indifference of the troops, and the 
yelling, and cursing, and opprobrious epithets were fol- 
lowed by a shower of stones and brickbats, hurled at the 
Union soldiers. This was soon after succeeded by the 
firing of revolvers from the crowd, and the soldiers 
becoming exasperated, began an indiscriminate firing 
into the mob. So completely bewildered by excitement 
and passion were many of the troops, that they fired 
wildly, some shooting into the air, others into the eaves 
of the surrounding buildings, and some in opposite direc- 
tions from their assailants. The crowd fled panic-stricken ; 
and the soldiers, after considerable efforts of their officers, 
were restored to their places in line, and marched to their 
destination. The result of this ruffianly attack was the 
killing of seven persons, and the wounding of several 
others. Some of the soldiers were severely hurt by the 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 163 

missiles thrown at them, and one or two wounded by 
pistol balls. 

This second attack upon German troops, the death of 
Captain Blandowski, the assassination of several Ger- 
mans already mentioned, and the rumors of many others 
being cruelly maltreated and murdered, together with the 
threats against them made by the secesh, aroused the 
whole German population, and as they were armed and 
organized, they began themselves to threaten that they 
would retaliate. 

JEFFERSON CITY, MAY, 1861. 

The Legislature met on Thursday, May 2, and the House 
re-elected McAfee its Speaker. The treasonable mes- 
sage of the Governor was sent in on the 3d, and thence- 
forward the Legislature conducted its business daily in 
secret session. The Military bill was immediately 
brought under consideration, and from day to day, in 
both Houses, amendments and debate were the order. 
That the Military bill would pass there was no doubt ; 
but as the session was prolonged, there increased a will- 
ingness on the part of the timid to favor amendments. 
The " fire-eaters " began to scheme for an occasion to 
produce excitement, and one was manufactured. 

On the 8th of May (Wednesday), a printed bill was 
placarded around the city of Jefferson, containing the 
following : 

" Come one ! Come all ! The flag of the Confederate 
States will be flung to the breeze on Thursday afternoon 
at four o'clock, at the foot of Madison street (near the 
Governor's residence). 

" Ladies are all invited to attend. 

" Speeches will be made by Lieutenant-Governor Rey- 
nolds, Peyton, Vest, and others." 

The affair thus advertised was a complete fizzle. The 
crowd was so small that Reynolds saw fit to be very 



164 

busy. Peyton, Yest, and others spoke, and the " occa- 
sion " passed off with wine-drinking and card-playing. 
The effect on the timid was disastrous to the conspira- 
tors, and the cabal retired to rest, little thinking that on 
the morrow (10th) an excitement would be produced 
which would launch them all into the irretrievable step. 
During these days of legislative sitting the conspira- 
tors were actively engaged in perfecting their plans for 
the final outbreak. Reynolds and Rains had their eyes 
upon the Indian nation, and arranging for support from 
that quarter. The following letter, dropped by Rains, 
exposes this part of the conspiracy: 

Sarcoxie, Missouri, May 3, 1861. 
General James S. Raixs: 

Dear Sir — From latest advices we learn that the 
Cherokee Indians, and probably other tribes, are anxious 
to lend their aid to our State. Ross states that he can 
furnish fifteen thousand men, well armed. I suggest the 
propriety of Governor Jackson appointing commissioners 
to visit them, and secure their setwices. Things are as 
when you left. The Republicans are leaving for Kansas. 
We fear there is a bad motive in view. Arm us quick 
as possible. (Signed) 

A. M. PATTERSON. 

On the back of the letter is this indorsement: 

To Governor Jackson — I would advise your open- 
ing a correspondence at once with Ross. 

RAINS. 

In this session of the Legislature the favorite schemes 
of the secessionists, besides the Military bill, were the 
perverting the funds provided for the maintenance of the 
several State charitable institutions, by voting them into 
the military chest; the seizure of the school fund for the 
same purpose ; and the direct efforts to impose fresh taxes 
upon the people for the support of the Governor's pro- 
posed army. 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 165 

There was constant communication between the State 
authorities and the Southern leaders. An active agent 
in this correspondence was Colton Greene, whose per- 
sonal efforts secured the material brought up from the 
Baton Rouge arsenal. The issue of the Atlanta Com- 
monivealth, dated May 3, 1861, contained the following: 

"A messenger from Governor Jackson, of Missouri, to 
President Davis, at Montgomery, passed through At- 
lanta this forenoon, for the purpose of soliciting aid in 
taking the St. Louis Arsenal." 

In another part of the same paper (same date) 
appeared the following : 

"Cannon from Fort Sumter passed through Atlanta 
to-day, on their way to Memphis, Tennessee. Final des- 
tination not known to us. They are grim-looking mon- 
sters." 

PANIC IN THE LEGISLATURE OVER THE CAPTURE OF CAMP- 
JACKSON. 

It was during the afternoon session of the Legislature, 
on Friday, May 10, that, both House and Senate being 
quietly engaged in business in secret session upon the 
Military bill, a sudden storm arose, which in a moment 
developed into a tremendous tempest. It was about 
four o'clock when Claib Jackson was seen to enter the 
Hall of Representatives, and casting a hurried glance 
around, observed Conrow, Freeman, Harris and Vest 
engaged in conversation on the left, near the desk of Har- 
ris. Stepping quickly to where they were, he handed 
one of them a piece of paper which all read, looking over 
the shoulder of the holder. In a moment Vest was 
standing upon a chair, and interrupted all proceedings 
by shouting, "Mr. Speaker !" Without scarcely wait- 
ing for a recognition from the " Chair," Vest proceeded 
to announce that he held in his hand a dispatch, which, 



166 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

when published, would arouse the deepest indignation of 
every Southern heart. He then read* a telegram from 
Deacon Tucker, editor of the State Journal at St. Louis, 
to the effect that Captain Lyon, Frank Blair, and the 
Dutch had captured Camp Jackson, seized upon all the 
property there, and marched the State troops prisoners 
to the arsenal. 

Instantly the utmost excitement prevailed. Dough- 
erty, Beall, Freeman, McBride, Heyer, Conrow, Harris ? 
and others exhibited their passion by bitterly abusing 
the patriots, who that day had performed a noble duty. 
One or two short speeches were made, and Conrow made 
a motion to reconsider every amendment that had been 
adopted to the Military bill; he wanted to see who 
were friends and who were enemies. Without debate 
this motion prevailed ; then every amendment was re- 
jected, the bill read a third time, just as it came from the 
Committee, and in a few minutes was passed by an over- 
whelming majority. The ayes and noes were called for 

by Owens, of Franklin, seconded by , of St. Louis. 

Amid the confusion the speaker refused to hear the 
motion of Judge Owens ; but that loyalist, even after 
the Speaker declared the bill passed, maintained his 
right, and the Speaker could see no objection to each 
man's name being on the record. The call was then 
ordered, and only eight were recorded against the bill. 

The passage of the bill was followed by increased sen- 
sation, and it was evident the more determined of the 
secesh leaders were desirous of effecting as much as pos- 
sible while the House was in its present temper. The 
timid were for once indulging in some enthusiasm, and 
in denouncing the Black Republicans, from " Old Abe 
Lincoln " down, committed themselves to the rebels. 
Reynolds, taking advantage of the " occasion," advised 
the Indian measure ; and Conrow put forward a bill ap- 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 167 

propriating $10,000 to cultivate friendly relations with 
the Indian tribes of the border. The bill went through, 
upon Conrow's recommendation, without any reading, 
except by title. There was almost a riot when the 
House adjourned until the evening, at seven o'clock. 

The excitement in the capitol was continued upon the 
streets and in the lodgings of members. There was a 
universal search after weapons. Some procured muskets, 
shot-guns, and rifles; others, pistols and pikes. There 
was a general cleaning up of old rusty weapons. Rumors 
flew fast and thick. At one time Frank Blair had seized 
the Pacific Railroad, and was moving up in haste to 
seize the Legislature and State authorities ; at another, 
he was on his way up by the river. Messengers were 
dispatched to the country to summon the faithful to the 
rescue of the forlorn hope, and many began preparations 
to evacuate the town. Jackson sent for Colonel N. C. 
Claiborne, and ordered him to seize a locomotive and 
proceed as far as he could, until he ascertained the true 
condition of affairs. If he found Blair really coming, he 
was to destroy the Gasconade and Osage bridges upon 
his return. 

BRIDGE-BURNING. 

Colonel Claiborne, accompanied by A. W. Jones, 
William Martin, and a man named O'Brien, in obedience 
to the orders of the Governor, procured a locomotive, 
and started upon his mission. Basil Duke, with a com- 
pany of minute-men, was in command of the Osage, and 
to him Claiborne repeated his orders. He then went as 
far as Franklin, thirty-seven miles from St. Louis, where 
he learned that all was quiet in the great city and the 
railroad undisturbed. Thinking it unnecessary to pro- 
ceed further, he returned to the ; capital but at the Osage 
instructed Duke that the Governor's orders were to 



168 

destroy the bridge in case Frank Blair should attempt to 
nse it for crossing. Colonel Claiborne suggested to 
Duke, as a complete method of rendering the bridge 
useless, the plan of turning the draw, and so cripple the 
machinery that it would take considerable time to repair 
it. Duke, however, thought it best to be on the safe 
side, and at once set fire to the western span of the 
structure. In a short time the bridge was a ruin. 

LEGISLATION UNDER DIFFICULTIES. 

In Jefferson City, on that Friday night, May 10, 1861, 
the halls of the capitol were filled by excited secession- 
ists, most of whom were either members of the Legisla- 
ture or newly arrived recruits from the country. The 
members, after supper, repaired to their respective cham- 
bers and proceeded to " business." Nearly every individ- 
ual was armed, some with many more weapons than 
others. Members in their seats were surrounded by guns 
of every description, some leaning against desks, some 
against chairs, some held between the knees, some lean- 
ing against the wall, some lying on the floor, and some 
across desks. Many members had belts strapped around 
their Avaists, and from one to three pistols or bowie- 
knives fastened to them. 

The scene in the "House" particularly was exceed- 
ingly grotesque and ludicrous. Many showed faces pale 
with fear ; others exhibited the anxiety natural in any 
crisis ; a few sought to impel the movements of the doubt- 
ful into the secesh ranks; while the leaders proposed 
measures for adoption, and dared opposition. Every 
gentle waft of the delicious air of spring startled many, 
as if it were the roar of battle, and every arrival at the 
door was looked to for tidings of the dreadful " Frank 
Blair." I was a spectator (being a Republican member 
of the House), but I also append the statement of Mr. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 169 

Kelley, the Jefferson City correspondent of the Missouri 
Democrat at that period. 

The Legislature, after an exciting session, adjourned 
shortly after midnight. Let us ignore further details of 
the barbarism of that night's legislation. 

JACKSON IN A FRIGHT. 

Claib Jackson, scenting the battle as near at hand, was 
perhaps the most frightened man in the place. At one 
o'clock that night, he had his movables packed up, and 
started with them, together with his family, for the south- 
west. Others followed suit. In the morning early, there 
was a general desire to add to the distance then sepa- 
rating the captors of Camp Jackson from Jefferson, and 
members began leaving for their homes. Jackson on 
horseback, from the capitol to the Governor's mansion, 
stopped to exhort some of those who were hastening off, 
to remain. " For God's sake, don't desert me now- 
Stand by me or we are lost !" exclaimed the valorous 
knight. With some, this request was an order, and was 
obeyed reluctantly ; but others, like Beall and Dougherty, 
" couldn't see it in that light." Parsons, Peyton, Conrow, 
McBride, and men of that stamp assured the Governor 
they would remain with him to the " bitter end." And 
they did. 

THE GREAT SCARE AT JEFFERSON. 
[Special Correspondence —Missouri Democrat, May 13, 1861.] 
Jefferson City, May 11, 1861. 
Your special reporter, authorized and instructed last 
Monday morning to proceed to Jefferson City, and 
calmly and vigilantly watch events there, sends to you 
by express this, his report. I have not written to you 
before, because of my inability to correctly ascertain 
facts ; but during the excitement of last night and to-day, 
members of the Legislature have let the cat out of the 
8 



170 GEN. 

bag, and I can now give an approximation to the real 
truth of their proceedings. In some particulars I may 
err, but the main facts you can rely upon as being abso- 
lutely as stated. During the week I made it my busi- 
ness to be around whenever I saw a crowd collect. Let 
me assure you that this locality is overwhelmingly for 
the Union and the American flag. Jackson manifests 
his knowledge of this by refusing to organize a corps 
out of Jefferson City citizens, for the protection of the 
powder magazine, but calls for troops to be sent him 
from among the St. Louis minute-men. The Unionists, 
however, have no arms, and are forced to suppress their 
sentiments. The least demonstration in favor of the 
Union would be put down by armed men imported from 
other places. 

A secession flag floats from a pole within a few yards 
of the Governor's residence. Another secession flag is 
floating from the roof of a liquor and gambling shop, 
and the third from the house of a citizen. 

All those who are permitted to speak to the Governor 
are avowed secessionists, and cheers for Jeff Davis 
and Claib Jackson are frequently heard in the presence 
of his Excellency. 

During the week, the Legislature has held secret ses- 
sions, and everybody has something to say about its 
mysterious doings. All sorts of rumors are afloat. The 
Military bill has been passed and repassed dozens of 
times. Several times we heard that an ordinance of 
secession was under discussion. Members preserve a 
mysterious air ; the secessionists looking bold enough. 

On Friday afternoon it was said on the streets that 
a Mr. Colton Greene had arrived from the Confederate 
States. Upon inquiry I learned that this Colton Greene 
is from St. Louis, and was a deputed messenger from 
Claib Jackson to the Montgomery cabinet ; that he had 
been down there begging for arms, and giving assurances 
that if Jackson only had the weapons he could effectually 
squelch out the Union sentiment in Missouri. From Mr. 
Peckham, one of our St. Louis members, who came up on 
the cars with this man Greene, I learned that it was 
openly stated on the cars that Greene had returned from 
the South with plenty of arms for Governor Jackson. I 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 171 

tried to glean from Mr. Greene's conversation some facts 
in the case, but he put me off as a suspicious person, and 
I could not get him to communicate. Mr. Peckham also 
stated that a company of men came up on the cars on 
Friday, from Camp Jackson, a part of whom were sta- 
tioned at the Gasconade bridge, and the balance at the 
Osage. Mr. Peckham says that at every station these 
men set up vociferous cheerings for Jeff Davis and Claib 
Jackson. 

It was common talk in Jefferson City during the week 
that " Frank Blair would soon be driven like a dog from 
the arsenal by General Frost." 

The secessionists are constantly engaged in exciting 
conversation, threatening the destruction of every 
" Black Republican," and the complete banishment of 
Unionism in Missouri. 

Every report that came to Jefferson of Union men 
being driven out of the interior counties ere.. ' "ntense 
satisfaction among the clique in the Governor's confi- 
dence. Every expression of joy at such news was fol- 
lowed by threats against the arsenal, as soon as General 
Frost should have men enough to handle the guns, 
which was daily expected. 

On Friday afternoon a report was circulated that 
Frank Blair had captured General Frost's entire com- 
mand, with all the munitions just received from Baton 
Rouge ; and that Frank Blair also was marching upon the 
State capital, for the purpose of arresting Governor, 
Lieutenant-Governor, State officers, and the Legislature. 
Jackson was seen to rush to the capitol in great trepida- 
tion. It was thought, up to this moment, that the Mili- 
tary bill was already a law, but I now learn that Jackson 
rushed into the house and presented the dispatch to the 
Speaker, who read it to the house, and that immediately 
a vote was taken to reconsider all the amendments to the 
Military bill, and at once the most odious of its original 
features were restored, and the bill passed by an over- 
whelming majority. It is a common remark that the 
utmost excitement prevailed in the two Houses, and that 
the secessionists were frightened out of their wits. 
Claib Jackson went about urging his friends to stand by 
him. I heard frequent threats passed against those gal- 



172 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

lant heroes, Colonels Stevenson and Peckham, of St. 
Louis, and Owens, of Franklin. These gentlemen in- 
formed me that the proudest act of their lives was their 
recorded votes against this bill. 

Governor Jackson showed his fears of " personal inse- 
curity " by dispatching a locomotive to the Osage to 
burn that splendid structure, which cost the railroad com- 
pany $110,000, and which was a strong and durable work. 
It will cost $5,000 to repair the damage. This cowardly 
act was the work of the meanest soul that trembles with 
fear in that secession clique — the Governor of Missouri. 

The lights were burning in the capitol, and the Legis- 
lature had not adjourned, when I went to bed at one 
o'clock, A. M. I saw members going to the night session 
with loaded guns. This morning it is openly said that 
the most outrageous laws were passed last night. I will 
recapitulate what I hear. 

The Military bill makes the Governor an irresponsible 
military dictator. The lives and the property of the 
subjects are completely at his disposal. In no case can 
he be successfully questioned. To question is to die for 
the crime of treason. Three millions of dollars are appro- 
priated to the unconditional use of the Governor. There 
is to be a confiscation of the funds set apart for school 
purposes, and for the payment of the July interest. 
Money besides has been appropriated for the immediate 
use of the Governor, amounting to large sums. 

From what I overhear, I take it as a fact that a bill 
has passed appropriating money for the purpose of induc- 
ing the savage Indian tribes to the west of us to make a 
descent upon Kansas and Iowa. I heard Mr. Peckham 
denounce to a secessionist the heathenism of such a law, 
and the response he received was as follows : " It will be 

d d lucky for you fellows, if worse things than that 

ain't done to you before we are through with this thing." 

Monroe Parsons is probably a Major-General under 
the new bill. To-day the stores are nearly all closed, 
and Parsons is on horseback, followed by a band of 
music, drumming up recruits. Cheers are given every 
few moments for Jeff Davis and Governor Jackson. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 173 

From all parts of the State news come of the driving 
out of Union men by armed mobs of secessionists. 
******** 

None of the members could get their warrants cashed 
this morning, because of the absence of the State Treas- 
urer. The news of Colonel Blair's expedition to Jefferson 
City obliged the \oj?A Treasurer to abscond, taking with 
him all the money of the State. 

L. 

[Special Correspondence of the " Missouri Democrat/'] 

Jefferson City, Mo., May 11, 1861. 

Yesterday afternoon the city was thrown into a terrible 
state of excitement, and the Governor into hysterics, and 
the Legislature into a perfect trembling in their boots, by 
sundry reported dispatches from St. Louis, delivered to the 
Go vernor. The first was that Colonel Blair was marching 
with three thousand five hundred men on Camp Jackson ; 
the next one was that one had been sent by the paid and 
fed pauper of the State — the editor of the State 
Journal — to his bosom friend the Governor, who recog- 
nized him (because he is a South Carolinian traitor) as 
his organ, that Colonel Blair had taken Camp Jackson ; 
that the brave Missourians under General Frost were 
surrendered unconditionally, without firing a gun, and 
marched prisoners to the United States Arsenal and 
Jefferson Barracks, with all their munitions of Avar, 
secretly smuggled in by the steamer " Swon" from New 
Orleans ; and that Colonel Blair was marching on Jeffer- 
son City with four thousand men, to take the den of 
traitors as his prisoners, on charge of high treason also 
to capture the powder. Another dispatch, received 
afterward, said that Colonel Blair only demanded from 
General Frost the cannon of the southwest expedition 
as the property of the United States, but four thousand 
men were sent by him to enforce it ; and that General 
Frost had delivered them up, under the protest of an 
overwhelming force against him in time of peace. 

On the receipt of the first message, while your corre- 
spondent was in the telegraph office to send his dispatch, 



174 GEN. 

Parsons, Hough, and others, came in and took possession 
of the wires in the name of the Governor of the State. 
Mr. Goodwin asked leave to notify the Superintendent in 
St. Louis. He was emphatically refused, and told that 
another message sent by him would be treason to the 
State. 

Reverend J. S. Lockett, a Baptist preacher, Chaplain 
of the Senate, in partnership with anoth'er violent seces- 
sionist, Reverend Prottsman, who prays by turns, 

was placed as Captain, or officer of the guards. He 
is the man, or wolf in sheeps' clothing, who tried to 
get up a company of secessionists in the city to guard 
the powder, but failing in that, went out to Clark town- 
ship, and raised one there. Instead of preaching the 
doctrines of the meek and lowly Jesus, as bound by far 
more sacred obligation than any oath, he has been more 
conspicuous in endeavoring to incite civil war ; to force 
citizens and relatives of his own Church, county, and 
city, to meet in deadly combat ; and in the spirit of Cain, 
or a far more devilish one, to mutually shed each others' 
blood. No matter what blood may flow, no matter what 
kindred may be sundered forever, this clerical demon is 
urging his fellow-citizens on to blood and slaughter, and 
is busily engaged, in the true spirit of Robespierre and 
Marat, in pointing out to his followers the marks at 
which they must aim in fratricidal conflict. He was 
peculiarly active in loading his gun, and getting up sen- 
sation reports, while in the telegraph office guarding — he 
knew the reports were true; such were his assertions, 
Avhen he knew they were not. 

A special train was ordered by the Governor, as soon 
as the telegraph wires were taken possession of. Crowds 
of armed men gathered quickly on the main streets of 
the city. Excited messengers came running down from 
the capitol, confirming the news of the dispatches. At 
about half-past ten o'clock, P. M., the train was got ready 
to start for Osage, after considerable difficulty in getting 
an engineer, many of them refusing to serve. Finally, 
an old man was got, who left, followed by a volley of 
curses from his Union comrades. 

The locomotive was backed up some distance to a 
passenger and baggage-car, secretly prepared by the 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 175 

Governor, and hitched on. On running back to the 
depot about forty armed men were placed on board, 
with orders from General Hough to allow no cigars or 
matches on board ; thus showing that powder or inflam- 
mable material was placed on the cars. The train 
started on its errand of cowardice and fell destruction. 
The news, which is undoubted this morning, is, that the 
Osage bridge was burned last night. This is positively 
confirmed. Whether this will reach you to-day, I can- 
not say. 

To show the panic of the secessionists, Mr. Massey, 
Secretary of State, and other leading secessionists, 
moved their families across the river, to Callaway 
county, this morning at day-light ; also all the young 
ladies of the female seminary were sent across. The 
panic is terrible. Every one believes that Blair is 
on the other side of the Osage, with three thousand 
men. The last reports are that he is crossing it on 
rafts, and will be here to-night. The penitentiary pris- 
oners are all locked up to-day. If Blair comes, they are 
to be turned out and furnished with arms to fight against 
him, on condition of freedom. 

A point was made on the proverbial good faith of the 
Governor last evening. Some days ago he was charged 
with having sent a secret Commissioner to Montgom- 
ery, to the President of the so-called Confederacy. 
Anxious to conceal it, he wrote a denial under his own 
hand, to appear in the State paper here, which appeared 
this morning. But the State printer found out before 
the whole edition was struck off, that the Governor's 
denial was false — that he had sent one, and came in and 
ordered his card out, saying that he would not know- 
ingly publish a lie for anybody. So part of the edition 
has the card in, and part has not. 

Under the panic and excitement created by reported 
dispatches from St. Louis, the Military bill, was, of course 
without amendment, pushed through both Houses. A 
late evening session was held, also an early morning ses- 
sion, at seven o'clock. 

The State capitol is guarded inside and out with armed 
men, and glistening with bayonets. Some of the seces- 
sionist members carry them into the halls. A military 



176 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

despotism reigns. Dispatches and carriers were ^sent all 
over the country yesterday and to-day, and probably a 
thousand armed men will be here this afternoon. They 
are now nocking in fast from the country. The Union 
men are in the majority, but are not armed, and dare not 
get up an organization till assured by Union men from 
other places. 

[later.] 

Jefferson City, May 12, 1861. 

The name of Colonel F. P. Blair seems to strike terror 
to all — the Governor, the officers, and the Assembly. 
Several families have been sent over the river for safety, 
and also the young ladies of the seminary. The con- 
victs were all locked up, and the city was put under 
strict military and civil restraint ; all drinking saloons 
were closed by order, and most <5f the business houses 
voluntarily closed. Guards are stationed at every cor- 
ner almost ; also at the railroad depot. 

No one could persuade the State Rights party but 
that Colonel Blair was on the road to take them all as 
prisoners, for treason. Since yesterday morning, men 
from the country have been pouring in thick, and still 
are coming. The eifect of the news was at once seen 
in the action of the Assembly. Late night sessions were 
held on Friday night; and the Military bill, without 
amendment, was passed by a large majority in both 
Houses. In the morning of the same day it had met 
a bitter opposition, and its friends feared its defeat. But 
fear prevailed over the better judgment of many of its 
opponents. 

A bill was passed in the House and sent into the Sen- 
ate, authorizing the Governor to buy founderies for 
casting cannon ; also real estate, on which to erect armo- 
ries and manufacture arms. 

An early morning session was held on Saturday. In 
the Senate, an open session was held for a short time. 
The bill to amend the city charter of St. Louis, introduced 
last session, was passed. 

A bill allowing the banks to issue small notes was 
passed. 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. IV 7 

A bill exempting the Sheriff of St. Louis county from 
the law, passed at the late session, regulating the sale of 
real estate uncler execution, was passed. 

A bill appropriating $25,000 for the construction of a 
State road to the southern boundary of the State, was 
passed. This road is intended as a military road, over 
which to transfer troops, if necessary ; also to command 
that boundary. 

The appropriation bill for arming the State has passed 
both Houses. The provisions of it are not positively 
known yet. It is reported to appropriate some two or 
three millions for arming the State, to be raised by the 
issue of new bonds in small amounts, to be sold to citizens, 
and made receivable for taxes by the appropriation of 
the bank fund to pay the State interest ; also the school 
fund ; also the whole revenue of the State for the next 
two years; if necessary. 

Full and despotic powers are given to the Governor 
to act as he sees proper or expedient in the expenditure 
of this fund, or to raise the money for it. 

The Assembly will probably adjourn on Tuesday or 
Wednesday. Many of the members have gone home, 
and it is doubtful whether there will be a quorum in the 
House in the morning. 

The Union men — those who were not borne down by 
clamor and threats — declare it useless now, on their part, 
to resist the passage of any measure desired by the Gov- 
ernor and his party. 

One of them remarked that never, in the history of 
any State, had such tyrannical, despotic bills, taking away 
all rights of the people, passed, as there had been in this 
Assembly since the reception of the news from St. Louis. 
They would disgrace even South Carolina. The people 
of the State must expect the worst invasions of freedom 
and rights. After the arrival of the papers last evening 
from St. Louis, the excitement somewhat quieted down. 

Troops are arriving every hour, in squads or mounted 
companies. The telegraph is still under surveillance, 
though not so strict as at first. I believe business mes- 
sages, &c, are allowed to go through. 

The Union feeling here is rather on the increase than 
otherwise. All excitement of debate is avoided by the 

S* 



178 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON. 

Union men. Their policy is to maintain a masterly in- 
activity, until a vitiated political atmosphere becomes 
purified, which will not take place, however, until after 
the Assembly adjourns. To the credit of all good citi- 
zens, of all shades of party or opinion in the city, the effort 
and wish are to avoid between themselves any personal 
animosities or quarrels on political subjects. Dema- 
gogues may try it, but their wish is for peace as citizens. 



GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

AND 

MISSOURI IN 1861. 



BOOK III. 

THE HARNEY REGIME. 

CONTENTS— Return op Harney— Tiie Great Stampede— Harnet finds 
he cannot disband the home guards— regulars move into the 
City — Much in Little — First Capture op a Rebel Flag — Rebel 
Flag hauled down — Search for and seizure op Arms— Camp Jack- 
son Prisoners paroled — First General Order of Lyon— The 
Conspiracy against Lyon — Special Messenger sent to Washington 
— Meeting at the White House — Lyon sends Dr. Bernays to Wash- 
ington — Bates, Yeatman, and Gamble — The Price-Harney Arrange- 
ment — Lyon dissatisfied — Justification of Lyon by the Safety 
Committee — Lyon a Brigadier-General of Volunteers— Private 
Letter from Lincoln to Blair— The Effect of the Harney 
Arrangement— Harney wants no more Troops— Removal of General 
Harney— Harney and Lyon compared. 

RETURN OF HARNEY FROM WASHINGTON CITY. 

General Harney returned to St. Louis on Saturday, 
May 11. A telegram had announced his departure from 
Washington, and had hastened the movement upon 
Camp Jackson. He found the city in the midst of a 
terrible excitement, fuel to which had been added on 
that afternoon by a cowardly discharging of pistols by 
some ruffians in the crowd, at the regiment of Colonel 
Stifel (Fifth Home Guards), in command of Lieutenant- 
Colonel Robert White, as they were returning from the 
arsenal. Notwithstanding the great boldness of the 



182 GEN. 

secessionists on that day and night, there was no public 
expression of disapprobation to give encouragement to 
Union men. He promised sympathetic friends of the 
Camp Jacksonites to remove or disband the Home 
Guards, and Mayor Taylor publicly proclaimed such 
would be the case. 

THE GREAT STAMPEDE. 

It was on Sunday, May 12. The Germans, enraged at 
the course of the rebel rioters, themselves made threats 
of exterminating not only secession, but secessionists. 
In the southern portion of the city, where they predom- 
inated, the Germans were not only excited but expressed 
determination to be revenged. They began to feel that 
the outward evidences of their origin were but passports 
to certain death, in a city where they ought to be free ; 
and they began to consider means to remove the danger 
that seemed to overwhelm them. They talked angrily 
in crowds, shouted to each other from opposite sides of 
the street, their intention of " cleaning out the secesh." 
These words, brought up town by a " sympathizer," 
were repeated from place to place, gathering in volume 
as they went, until at last it was given as positive fact, 
that the Germans were leaving their barracks with their 
guns, and were gathering in the First and Second wards, 
preparatory to a movement upon the Fifth, Sixth, and 
Ninth wards, where the secession element prevailed, 
upon which wards they intended visiting the full 
measure of their hate and revenge, for the frequent, 
cowardly assassinations of their native countrymen. 
These rumors were credited, and secesh messengers 
went from house to house, cautioning occupants, 

By one and two o'clock, Sunday afternoon, the terror- 
stricken secessionists were in active movement ; not for 
the purpose of resistance, but in flight ; toward the 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 183 

country, over the river, down the river, up the river, 
anywhere, so they escaped the (merited) fury of the 
Dutch. Every vehicle that could be obtained was en- 
gaged conveying passengers, baggage, furniture, &c, to 
places of supposed security. Hackney coaches, furniture 
carts, transportation wagons, were not so numerous but 
all found engagements. Drivers of each, in the midst of 
a competing crowd of patrons, charged their own prices, 
and exorbitant as those prices were, in a large majority 
of instances received them. Many of the half-and-half 
Union people caught the infection. The Memphis Packet 
Company placed its splendid boats at the service of the 
terror-stricken, and landed them at different places along 
the river, at sufficient distance from the " Dutch " to per- 
mit the blood to return to the pallid cheek, and the eye 
to assume its wonted cast. In their flight, many forgot to 
lock their houses ; others neglected to take even a change 
of under-clothing, or to provide themselves with money. 
At two o'clock, two or three thousand must have left the 
city, and the panic was raging with increasing excite- 
ment. It was just at this time, that a short sentence, 
whispered in exultation, and spreading with the rapidity 
of lightning, restored quiet to the excited nerves of the 
terror-stricken secessionists, and enabled them to raise 
their heads in proud defiance and supreme audacity : 
"GENERAL HARNEY HAS TAKEN COMMAND. 
ALL RIGHT NOW THANK GOD!" 

The scene at the Planters' House that afternoon, at 
the time of the departure of the omnibuses with pas- 
sengers for the eastern trains, was especially ludicrous. 
Every 'bus and baggage wagon was loaded down to its 
utmost capacity, and there were hundreds who could not 
obtain conveyance to reach the cars. Mayor Taylor 
visited the scene just about the time the 'busses were 
ready to start, and made the following speech : 



184 

Citizens of St. Louis — I am extremely sorry to ob- 
serve such a stampede of citizens from the city, as I have 
convinced myself that you have no need to fear danger 
from any quarter. The rumor which has been extensively 
circulated this afternoon, in all parts of the city, that 
there is much insubordination among the armed men, 
known as " Home Guards, " is without foundation. 
These men are entirely under the command of their 
officers, and there is no probability there will be riot and 
bloodshed. I assure each and every one of you that no- 
danger threatens your persons or property at this time. 
There is no disturbance at the arsenal, and the regulars 
are already in the city for the purpose of aiding the 
police, if necessary, in preserving peace and quietness, 
and restoring confidence to our citizens. 

This speech was received with great favor, and the 
'busses drove off amid tumultuous cheering. Long after 
dark, Fourth street, in front of the Planters' House, was 
thronged with excited secesh, angrily discussing the 
events of the past two days, and muttering threats 
against the " submissionists." 

HARNEY FINDS HE CANNOT DISBAND THE HOME GUARDS. 

On that same Sabbath morning, General Harney called 
on Colonel Blair (not Lyon) at the arsenal, and informed 
him of his intention to remove the Plome Guards, with a 
view to their disbandment. Colonel Blair told him it 
could not be done, and showing him the order from the 
President authorizing the Home Guard, assured him his 
order to disband the Home Guard would not be submit- 
ted to in the face of the President's order. The conver- 
sation between Blair and Harney was quite lengthy, and 
General Harney left with the understanding that the 
Home Guards were not to be disturbed. It was after 
this Harney issued his proclamation, in which he admit- 
ted he had no control over the Home Guard ; but before 
a copy of it reached the arsenal, an order arrived there 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 185 

from General Harney for the regulars to be stationed in 
the city, and it was seriously apprehended by Lyon and 
Blair that it was Harney's intention to carry out his 
original promise and disarm the Home Guard, and they 
resolved to arrest him in case he should attempt it. 
Captain Saxton was consulted by Colonel Blair, and 
agreed to aid in his arrest if Harney took such a course, 
and Lyon ascertained that Sweeney and Lothrop, as well 
as Totten, would co-operate with him. Harney's procla- 
mation, however, reached the arsenal very sooii there- 
after, "and dispelled all fears. 

When Mr. Broadhead learned that Harney had prom- 
ised to disband the Home Guards, he called upon the 
General and remonstrated against any such movement, 
assuring General Harney that. the Home Guards would 
not surrender their arms. 

The cause of the increased panic on that memorable 
Sunday afternoon, was owing to a misapprehension on 
the part of the Police Commissioners of Harney's mes- 
sage. Hamey had sent word to the Board of Police 
Commissioners that he had no control over the Home 
Guard, which was meant to inform them that he had no 
power to disband or remove them. They took his mes- 
sage in its literal sense, and so informed their friends. 
The report spread like wildfire, causing intense excite- 
ment, only to be allayed by the issuing of the following 
proclamation, and the efforts of Mayor Taylor. 

PROCLAMATION. 
Military Department of the West, ) 



St. Louis, May 12, 1861. j 

To the People of the State of Missouri and City of St. 
Louis : 

I have just returned to this post, and have assumed 
the military command of this Department. No one can 



186 

more deeply regret the deplorable state of things exist- 
ing here than myself. The past cannot be recalled. I 
can only deal with the present and the future. 

I most anxiously desire to discharge the delicate and 
onerous duties devolved upon me, so as to preserve the 
public peace. shall carefully abstain from the exercise 
of any unnecessary powers, and from all interference 
with the proper functions of the public officers of the 
State and city. I therefore call upon the public author- 
ities and the people to aid me in preserving the public 
peace. 

The military force stationed in this Department by 
the authority of the Government, and now under my 
command, will only be used in the last resort, to pre- 
serve the peace. I trust I may be spared the necessity 
of resorting to martial law, but the public peace MUST 
BE PRESERVED, and the lives and property of the 
people protected. Upon a careful review of my instruc- 
tions, I find I have no authority to change the location 
of the " Home Guards." 

To avoid all cause of irritation and excitement, if 
called upon to aid the local authorities in preserving the 
public peace, I shall in preference make use of the reg- 
ular army. 

I ask the people to pursue their regular avocations, 
and to observe the laws, and orders of their local author- 
ities, and to abstain from the excitements of public meet- 
ings and heated discussions. 

My appeal, I trust, may not be in vain, and I pledge 
the faith of a soldier to the earnest discharge of my 
duty. 

WILLIAM S. HARNEY, 

Brigadier- General IT. S. A., Commanding Department, 

REGULARS MOVED INTO THE CITY. 

Following the issuing of this proclamation, four com- 
panies of regulars, by Harney's order, moved up from 
the arsenal, and were quartered over Thornton & Pierce's 
stables on Walnut street near Fourth street, and at the 
Court House on Fourth street, one block distant. They 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 187 

were commanded as follows : Captain James Totten, 
Second Artillery ; Captain T. W. Sweeney, Second 
Infantry ; Lieutenant Rufus Saxton, Fourth Artillery; 
Lieutenant M. L. Lothrop, Fourth Infantry. 

MUCH IN LITTLE. 

By the 14th of May, order had been so far restored, 
that the Mayor of the city withdrew his proclamation 
of the 11th. 

On the 15th, General Frost, Colonel John S. Bowen, 
Major N. Wall, Major R. S. Voorhies, and Major W. D. 
Wood,* of the paroled State troops, published a card in 
defense of their conduct in surrendering Camp Jackson, 
in which they complained of the insufficiency of means 
placed at their disposal for successful resistance. The 
card was looked upon by Union men, as significant of a 
spirit to fight against the demand of Captain Lyon, or 
any other United States officer, in case of ability to do 
so with any hope of success. 

On the 16th, the mail agent on the Pacific train was 
seized by the State troops at the Osage, and inhumanly 
treated. After several efforts to drown him, by throwing 
him into the river, a secesh officer, Basil Duke, humanely 
interfered, and the agent was allowed to depart on the 
train. Stating the case to Harney, the agent was prom- 
ised it should be attended to ; but no efforts were ever 
made to bring the parties to punishment. This was but 
one of a series of outrages constantly being perpetrated 
in every section of the State. 

FIRST CAPTURE OF A REBEL FLAG. 

Having received information that there was a large 
quantity of lead and powder at Potosi (on the Iron 

* Major William D. Wood asserts his name was used in this connection with- 
out his knowledge or consent. 



188 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

Mountain Railroad), Captain Lyon, by consent of Gen- 
eral Harney, sent Captain Cole, of the Fifth Missouri 
Volunteers, with one hundred and fifty men, to capture 
the same, disarm the people, and administer the oath of 
loyalty ; with orders also to arrest and bring to the arse- 
nal all who refused to take the oath. Captain Cole 
found at Potosi a large quantity of powder and lead, 
seized a quantity of muskets distributed among the citi- 
zens, and arrested eight men who would not take the 
oath. On the same day (15th May), the secessionists at 
De Soto were to hold a mass meeting in that village for 
the purpose of raising a State Rights flag. Mr. Charles 
G. Carr, special mail agent for Missouri, happened to be 
in De Soto on that morning, and learning from Mr. 
Thomas C. Fletcher that trouble to the Union men was 
very much feared, got on the down train, and proceeding 
to Potosi, insisted on Captain Cole immediately returning 
to De Soto with his command, and protect the Union 
men there. Captain Cole did not feel fully authorized 
to do so, according to his instructions ; but Mr. Carr, iu 
his entreaties, was joined by Doctor E. C. Franklin, of 
St. Louis, who accompanied Captain Cole's command, 
and the Captain concluded to go to De Soto. Upon 
their arrival at De Soto, quite a crowd of secessionists 
had collected, but the rebel flag was not yet raised. 
The secesh fled upon the appearance of the Federal sol- 
diers, and a search being made for the flag, Doctor 
Franklin found it. Visiting a room where a woman, 
pretending to be sick, was lying, he made her arise, when 
the flag which the rebs intended raising fell from under 
her dress. It is needless to say, the lady immediately 
recovered. This was the first rebel flag taken in the war. 

REBEL FLAG HAULED DOWN SEARCH FOR AND SEIZURE 

OF ARMS, ETC. 

The secesh flag that had been flying over the Berthold 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 189 

mansion was hauled down on the Monday following the 
seizure of Camp Jackson, by Police Captain Daniel R. 
Grace, acting under orders of the Police Commissioners, 
who themselves were instigated to this patriotic act by 
hints or commands from General Harney. The Berthold 
mansion ceased to be any longer the headquarters and 
rendezvous of treason. 

During the week following the arrival of Harney, 
numerous searches were made for secreted arms and 
munitions of war. The agents of the Safety Committee 
were on the alert, and gave frequent information of 
secreted property. A search in the State tobacco 
warehouse, and in Arnot's buildings on Chestnut street, 
afforded the Government considerable acquisition, in the 
way of over twelve hundred rifled muskets, two pieces 
of cannon, and quite a number of rifles. In several 
places in and out of town, arms and ammunition, from 
time to time, were found concealed. 

During the month of May, secessionists resorted to 
every means to smuggle arms and ammunition into the 
city and State. The utmost vigilance was exercised to 
prevent it. " War material " came, however, in all kinds 
of packages ; in bales of hay, in boxes marked " soap," 
arranged with great cunning in barrels of molasses, and 
brought across the river, in some instances, piece by 
piece. A clever device was to ship such articles for what 
they really were, and directed to some known Union 
man or business firm of undoubted character for loyalty. 
Frequently such boxes would be directed to United 
States Quartermasters or ordnance officers. Some one 
thinking in this way to smuggle into the city sixty Colt's 
navy revolvers, labeled the package, " F. P. Blair, care 
of E. C. Sloan," and forwarded by Adams Express to 
St. Louis. The box was seen by one of the detectives, 
and Mr. Blair became informed of the fact. Thinking 



190 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON. 

he could take care of his own better than " Mr. Sloan " 
could for him, he directed the box to the arsenal, and 
enjoyed himself by presenting the pistols to his friends, 
who were in need of them. 

CAMP JACKSON PRISONERS PAROLED. 

Upon returning to the arsenal with his prisoners, 
Captain Lyon made such arrangements for their comfort 
as was in his power, and began work upon the necessary 
papers for their parole. On Saturday evening, by seven 
o'clock, the work of paroling his prisoners was completed, 
and the entire body (excepting only Captain Emmett 
McDonald, who refused to be paroled) marched out of 
the east gate of the arsenal, and on board of a steamer 
in waiting at the arsenal levee to convey them to the 
city. Upon reaching the upper levee, the party was 
greeted by quite a crowd of friends, amid prolonged 
cheering, and after marching in procession to Fourth 
street, dispersed to their homes. 



first general order of general lyon. 

ters First Brigade Mo. Volunte 
St. Louis Arsenal May 12, 1861. 



Headquarters First Brigade Mo. Volunteers, ) 

Orders No. 13. 

1. By the authority of the President of the United 
States, the undersigned will retain the command of the 
different regiments which have been enrolled at these 
headquarters. 

2 . Having been elected Brigadier-General of the four 
regiments which constitute the First Brigade of Missouri 
Volunteers, the undersigned accepts the position thus 
tendered him, subject to the future action of the proper 
authorities, and returns his thanks to the officers and 
men of those regiments for the confidence which they 
have reposed in him, hoping that his utmost exertions, 
which he pledges to the proper discharge of this import- 
ant duty, may contribute to justify this confidence. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 191 

3. The following appointments to fill staff officers of 
the First Brigade are announced : 

Chester Harding, Lieut. -Colonel and A. A. General. 
Samuel Simmons, Major and A. C. S. 
Horace A. Conant, Major and Paymaster. 
Chauncey P. E. Johnson, Major and Paymaster. 
Bernard G. Farrar, Major and A. D. C. 

N. LYON, 
Captain Second Infantry, Commanding. 

THE CONSPIRACY AGAINST LYON. 

On the 11th of May, a number of gentlemen claiming 
to be " good Union men," suffering with an indescribable 
amount of horrible indignation at the idea of the great 
outrage perpetrated upon loyal citizens, by the taking of 
Camp Jackson, constituted themselves the special guard- 
ians of national interests in Missouri, and convened in 
solemn council for the performance of (to them) glorious 
deeds, in behalf of persecuted and wronged humanity, so 
grossly trampled upon by Captain Lyon. They met in the 
Mayor's office, and a correspondent in the Missouri 
Democrat gave, at the time, the names of Robert Camp- 
bell, James E. Yeatman, H. S. Turner, ex-Mayor Wash- 
ington King, N. J. Eaton, James H. Lucas, et al., as 
among those present. Exactly what they said or did is 
not yet chronicled in any of the books of the generations 
of Adam, except that James E. Yeatman (and perhaps 
H. S. Turner also) promised to proceed at once to Wash- 
ington and represent to Messrs. Lincoln and Bates his 
own account of the true condition of affairs in Missouri. 
Thus representing " highly respectable " and wealthy 
influences, Mr. Yeatman would feel himself as one speak- 
ing by authority. Mr. Yeatman hastened to Philadel- 
phia, at which place Mr. Hamilton R. Gamble joined 
him, and the twain were soon in Washington. There 
was no delay in reaching Mr. Bates, and into his ear they 



102 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

poured the full story of their grievances. The delega- 
tion were accompanied by Mr. Bates to the White 
House, where they saw Mr. Lincoln, and gave their 
version of the terrible dealings of " Lyon the indis- 
creet," " Lyon the rash," " Lyon the imprudent," " Lyon 
undoubtedly loyal and a brave soldier," but not exactly 
the man for the times ; and, therefore, would Mr. Lincoln 
but just please to call Captain Lyon to some other field 
of duty, and allow General Harney, with whom seces- 
sionists could all live in peace, to remain in full charge ? 

There were in Washington just such other delegations 
from all the border slave States, all eloquent with the 
grandeur of passivity — persistently deaf to the crashing 
noise of the filling walls of that slave edifice they regarded 
with such faithful veneration. They were there to explain 
that all was noise and fuss only, if the Government would 
but just let their Southern brothers alone. They were 
there to ask that, in order to allay secesh excitement, 
Government should intrust its entire interests in the 
hands of men in whom the South had confidence. They 
were there to ask that Government would prohibit its 
friends from holding Union meetings, lest traitors might, 
in their passion, organize war ; that no recruiting officers 
should be allowed to visit a " border State," lest the bor- 
der States might side with the rebellion. They had 
nothing to say to Jeff Davis about the border States sid- 
ing with the Union in case the rebels recruited in their 
limits. They themselves were Union men. (!) Query: 
Then what right had they representing rebel constituen- 
cies ? They were not at all afraid of Union men taking 
offense at the Government because of energy, activity, 
and rigor in its own behalf; it was the secessionist 
whose anger was to be appeased and whose attitude 
respected. 

In old times, Mr. Bates had known the above-named 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 193 

individuals as gentlemen of eminent worth and respect- 
ability, fully entitled to his confidence, and as polished 
columns of a very enlightened society. They were, in 
the estimation of Mr. Bates, gentlemen of great weight 
and influence, and of course when they said they were 
Union men it was all-sufficient . 

But Mr. Bates had forgotten that in his reading there 
should be a difference between the confidence and trust 
to be reposed in a man in time of peace and the confi- 
dence to be reposed in him in time of terrible revolution. 
He received these gentlemen just as he would have 
received them in his own study at home, in the " auld 
lang syne" He heard how dreadfully excited the se- 
cessionists were; how desirous the great majority of 
people were for peace ; how " a careful, prudent policy 
might keep thousands from joining the rebels;" how 
rash and impetuous was that Captain Lyon ; that he was 
simply a tool of Frank Blair ; and that every move of 
that ogre, Blair, was only subsidiary to a motive to 
Black-Kepublicanize the State, and destroy the hoary 
institution itself; how easily the State could be made 
neutral by exempting it from all requirements for mar- 
tial quotas, and prohibiting the treading of Yankee vol- 
unteers upon the sacred soil ; how Harney was the man, 
and how Harney had no use for such a Hotspur as Lyon ; 
how the capture of Camp Jackson was a violation of the 
dearest rights of a citizen of the United States, ocuaran- 
teed by the United States Constitution, and, besides, an 
especial outrage upon the statutes of Missouri; how 
undoubtedly patriotic Lyon's motives were, but how ter- 
ribly wrong was his judgment, and fiery his nature, and 
rash his conduct, and that matters had gone so far there 
could be no peace in Missouri unless Lyon was with- 
drawn. 

All this, and more too ; not just such words, perhaps, 
9 



] 94 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

but the "kernel of the nut they cracked for the Secretary's 
chewing was in all this. They had nothing to say about 
those men who, in a government proclaimed to be free, 
had for years and years been hooted at, stoned, or driven 
off, only for a mere difference of opinion. They had no 
around stained with Lovejoy's blood, no lurid glare from 
blazing log-cabin of some free-thinking Kansan, before 
their " mind's eye." Nothing of this. They could not 
describe how St. Louis " Black Yaegers " had cautiously 
crept, at midnight or at daylight, by units, from their secret 
places, through weary winter months, keeping holy vigil 
over the St. Louis arsenal. They had nothing to say of 
the hegira of Union people from the Southwest and West, 
leaving crops standing and furniture unremoved. They 
had nothing to say of the terrorism which slavery had 
established in Missouri, so that a dissenter could not live 
in quiet beyond the cities. They did not represent that 
Lyon was fixing matters so that Frank Blair could move 
about St. Louis without thoughts of assassination, and 
that murder had shunned the streets. None of these 
things did they go there to represent. They went there 
to remove Lyon ; to obtain respect for men who would not 
raise an arm to help the Government, but who threatened, 
if the Government acted, they would rebel. 

SPECIAL MESSENGER SENT TO WASHINGTON. 

Upon a mission, not so much of friendship to Lyon as 
safety to the national cause, Mr. Franklin A. Dick, at the 
request of Colonel Blair, his brother-in-law, hastened to 
Washington. He did not go there in behalf of cravens 
and rebels. He went there to insist that the Govern- 
ment should do its duty toward its friends — friends who 
were in arms in its behalf, and who were willing to die 
for it; who hated rebels, not because of individual 
caprice, but because they were seeking to overthrow the 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 195 

Government. He went there to state that the doctrine 
asserted at Bloom ington was true of Missouri ; that it 
must be either all rebel or all loyal ; that the loyal men 
cf Missouri could alone regulate their internal affairs if 
the national Government would only smile upon them, 
and not interpose obstacles. He went there to represent 
that in -the taking of Camp Jackson the Federal power had 
been exhibited, and hosts of converts were being made to 
Federal arguments. What the Union men of Missouri 
wanted at Washington was firmness, decision, and fidel- 
ity to faithful friends. Lyon had performed his duty, and 
they were enemies to the Government who were enemies 
to him ; it might be ignorantly, but nevertheless enemies, 
the effect being all the same. He went there to speak 
in behalf of the Union refugee, in behalf of the oppressed 
Unionist, in behalf of the Government itself, that, in the 
name of the Government, authority should not be vested 
in any one whose whole soul and heart were not in the 
cause at stake, both as a principle and a passion. 

The following will explain the progress of Colonel 
Dick in the fulfillment of his mission: 

Washington City, May 16, 1861. 

Dear Ben. — I made all haste to get here, and arrived 
at ten this morning, turning off at Harrisburg, leaving 
my family to go on to Philadelphia alone. * * * * 

I went at once to see Judge Blair, and told him of our 
affairs. He took his hat and went straight with me to 
see General Cameron. He was at the President's. We 
went there and found Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Bates, Mr. Smith 
(Secretary of the Interior), and General Cameron. I 
was introduced, and told my story straight on. * * * 
* * I would at once have got all I wanted, but for 
Judge Bates. He had seen Yeatman and Hamilton Gam- 
ble, they had told him their story, and Bates asked Mr. 
Lincoln not to decide upon action until he had heard those 
gentlemen. While I was talking, Judge Blair wrote out 
a memorandum for an order removing Harney and 



196 GEX. NATHANIEL LYON, 

appointing Lyon Brigadier-General, and presented it to 
the President for his signature. He would have signed 
it but for said request of Bates. I went over to Bates 
and privately remonstrated with him, but could not 
change his purpose. Lincoln wrote a note over to Gen- 
eral Scott, asking his opinion upon the propositions con- 
tained in Judge Blair's memorandum, and sent it by his 
private secretary, asking an immediate answer. Judge 
Blair and I then went to Cameron's office. I found him 
impressed with the idea that Lyon is a rash man, and not 
at all impressed with his real worth and ability. I found 
such impression also en Judge Bates' mind ; but I removed 
it from Cameron's mind, and gave him a correct idea of 
Captain Lyon's ability and worth. 

General Cameron agreed that he should have leave of 
absence granted him, and be commissioned as a Brig- 
adier-General of the four regiments which had elected 
him.* We then left Cameron's office, and Judge Blair 
hurried off to see General Scott about the matter men- 
tioned in the President's note. Thus the matter stands 
at the time of my writing this letter. But for Bates and 
General Scott I would have had things fixed exactly 
right ; if they do not come out as we want them, you 
will, from what I have said, understand them. 

But I believe that Harney will be ordered away again. 
I am sorry, sorry enough, that when he was here that 
Frank did" not write about him. Frank does not write 
often enough. My impressions are that the Cabinet is 
made up of too old men. It seems to lack vigor, prompt- 
itude, and resolution. ****** 

Captain Lyon's achievement in taking the camp of the 
traitors has given great satisfaction in the East, and 
mainly for that reason, so far as I can judge, is approved 
by the President. Perhaps I do him injustice. Judge 
Blair has turned in, in earnest, to get the measures I came 
on for carried out, and I shall stick to the work until I 
accomplish a result, and I am in strong hopes now of 
achieving the precise results I came for. 

Yours, sincerely, F. A. DICK. 

To Bex. Farrar, St. Louis. 

*In order to act as Brigadier-General of the four Missouri regiments, it was 
necessary that Lyon should be excused from duty in the regular army by leave 
of absence. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 197 

Washington, May 16, 1861. 

Dear Ben. — Since writing you this noon I take the 
subject up where that letter left it off. Judge Blair 
went with me to the office of L. Thomas, Adjutant- 
General, where we procured the inclosed order to Gen- 
eral Harney. I inclose it to you that you may give it to 
Frank or to General Lyon, and have it delivered to Gen- 
eral Harney at such time as they may seem fit. * * * 
Next, Captain Lyon is appointed Brigadier-General of 
the Missouri Brigade, but the commission will not issue 
until to-morrow. ******* 

I take the credit to Frank, and my efforts here, for this ; 
and no man more deserves the advancement than General 
Lyon. It was a labor of satisfaction to me. * * * * 
General Lyon stands in high position with the adminis- 
tration for his achievement. It is felt he has brought 
honor upon the Government by it ; and the howling of 
the traitors is correctly appreciated here. The result is, 
the President and Cabinet fully indorse his conduct and 
appoint him a Brigadier-General, and effectually remove 
Harney out of his way. He must go ahead now and 
win new laurels. The capture of Claib Jackson will be 
regarded with great favor by the administration. * * 
Yours truly, 

F. A. DICK. 
Ben j. Farrar, Esq., St. Louis. 

Washington, May 17, 1861. 
Dear Ben. — Since telegraphing you I would start, I 
find Mr. Davisson going straight to St. Louis, who car- 
ries the inclosed papers. The letter to General Harney, 
from M. Blair, is, of course not to be delivered to him, 
unless the command is taken away from him. Mr. 
Davisson is appointed Consul to Bordeaux. He knows 
the importance of the immediate delivery of these papers, 
and promises to deliver them to you with all dispatch. 
Judge Blair and his father, and also General Cameron, 
think it unnecessary to use the paper on Harney. Gen- 
eral Cameron fully approves the discretionary power to 
Colonel F. P. Blair, Jr., as to displacing Harney. 
The papers sent herewith by Mr. Davisson are : 
First — Duplicate of the order mailed you last night. 



198 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON. 

Second — Commission for General Lyon as Brigadier- 
General. 

Third — Letters from Montgomery Blair. 

Tell General Lyon he is commissioned as one of the 
regular Brigadier-Generals through the war and not 
merely for three months. That is certain ; I have it from 
both General Thomas and General Cameron, who hesi- 
tated some time on it, but at last yielded, and thus issued 
the inclosed commission. 

Yours, F. A. DICK. 

To Ben. Farrar, St. Louis. 

Ben. Farrar, Esq., or Colonel Frank P. Blair, Jr. 

Dear Sir — The inclosed dispatches are, first, a com- 
mission for Lyon ; second, a leave of absence for Harney. 
I have had great difficulty in accomplishing these results. 
The Secretary of War was against both. As to Lyon, 
the rule of granting leave of absence to officers of the 
army was the chief difficulty. As to Harney, his public 
course, viewed from this point, seems reasonable enough, 
and the leave of absence goes to Frank (Blair), to be 
delivered to Harney only, if in his judgment it is now 
decided advisable to relieve him from command. I 
think it possible that, if Harney had about him some reso- 
lute, sensible men, he would be all right all the time. It 
is only because he falls into the hands of our opponents 
that he is dangerous ; his intention being good, but his 
judgment being weak. 

This, however, must be left to Frank ; and as the dan- 
ger is remote, I do not feel that it is right to keep Har- 
ney in command, without the full approbation of those 
immediately concerned. It is better to mortify him than 
to endanger the lives of many men, and the position of 
Missouri in the present conflict. 

Yours truly, M. BLAIR. 

Washington, May 17, 1861. 

MEETING AT THE WHITE HOUSE OF THE OPPOSING DELE- 
GATIONS. 

As he was accompanied by the Postmaster-General, 
Colonel Dick was immediately admitted into the pres- 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 199 

ence of Mr. Lincoln. He found there, besides the mem- 
bers of the Cabinet whom he names in his first letter to 
Mr. Farrar, Mr. James E. Yeatman and Mr. Hamilton 
R. Gamble. These gentlemen were explaining their 
positions and their desires, when Colonel Dick entered 
the room. In the course of his remarks, Mr. Gamble 
manifested considerable indignation at the taking of 
Camp Jackson ; when he was interrupted by Colonel 
Dick, who said he " was not at all surprised at the atti- 
tude of Mr. Gamble, considering that his son was one 
of the captured, and was known to be what was termed 
a partisan of the South. If that son was not rushed 
into the rebellion, the father might thank Captain Lyon." 
Colonel Dick purposely remained in Washington until 
he obtained the desired letter of appointment for Lyon, 
and the order for the removal of Harney. 

LYON SENDS DR. BERNAYS TO WASHINGTON. 

Lyon was well advised of the tremendous exertions 
being made to effect his removal, and he was some- 
what apprehensive that they might be successful. He 
deplored the seeming want of firmness and full com- 
prehension of pending dangers exhibited by the ad- 
ministration ; and notwithstanding Mr. Dick was in 
Washington, he thought it best to send another messen- 
ger to sustain him before the President. For this pur- 
pose he selected Dr. Charles A. Bernays, editor of a 
German daily paper published in St. Louis, the Anzelger 
des Westens, and a gentleman personally acquainted with 
Mr. Lincoln. 

" I want you to go and see the President," he said to 
Dr. Bernays,* " and tell him all about our situation here. 
I have no confidence whatever in General Harney and 
Major McKinstry (Department Quartermaster). I feel 

* I have this in a written statement from Dr. Bernays. 



200 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

they are against us, and that they will throw all kinds 
of difficulties in my way. They already do so. I never 
can obtain in time what I need from the Quartermaster's 
department ; and all the precautions I take against the 
rebels are frustrated by the proceedings of General 
Harney. Tell the President to get my hands untied, 
and I will warrant to keep this State in the Union." 

Dr. Bernays told the General that he had heard the 
fate of General Harney was already sealed. 

" Not so much as you think. My personal influence 
at Washington amounts to very little ; and I believe 
rather, that the determined position I have taken here 
has created for me many enemies in high places." 

Dr. Bernays endeavored to persuade the General to 
the contrary, but in vain. 

" Well," said Lyon, after a pause, " you go on, and if 
you don't succeed, you will at least see how things look 
in Washington. Have you money enough to go and 
return ? " 

The Doctor explained that, if he had not, his friends 
would assist him. 

" Don't ask them," returned Lyon. " I will write a 
pass that will take you there and back free of charge." 

Lyon then took a sheet of paper and wrote the fol- 
lowing : 

St. Louis Arsenal, May — , 1861. 

Dr. Bernays, by my order, proceeds to Washington 
for the benefit of the better equipment of our volunteer 
forces. I pray all the conductors to let him pass free. 

NATHANIEL LYON. 

This pass was sufficient. On this alone the St. Louis 
and Terre Haute, Indianapolis, Pittsburg, Pennsylvania 
Central, and Philadelphia and Washington roads passed 
the Doctor, going and returning, free of charge. He was 
treated with every courtesy. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 201 

' Arriving in Washington, Judge Blair at once took the 
Doctor to the White House and obtained an audience. 

The President received the Doctor very kindly, and 
immediately inquired about affairs in Missouri. Doctor 
Bernays told his story. The President gave much 
thought to it and seemed perplexed. He would rather 
wait for further developments before he would act 
against Harney and McKinstry ; nevertheless, he prom- 
ised to sustain General Lyon, and declared he had the 
greatest confidence in his ability, though he thought that 
some personal feeling might . induce Captain Lyon to 
suspect Harney. In regard to McKinstry, he promised 
to remove him at the first opportunity. 

The President then abruptly changed the subject, and 
engaged in a conversation as to the feeling between 
Americans and Germans in Missouri, and promised the 
acceptance of Colonel SigePs regiment. 

In another conversation the President reiterated the 
assertion that Lyon should be sustained. 

BATES, YEATMAN, AND GAMBLE. 

I have no disposition to reflect upon the loyalty or 
the patriotism of Messrs. Bates, Yeatman, and Gamble. 
Certainly their intentions were good enough, but theii 
acts are the property of the historian. With them it 
was a question of policy, but we question the wisdom of 
that policy. Succeeding their efforts against Lyon were 
their efforts during a long struggle for the Union ; and 
the Government owes them much reward for their inval- 
uable services in its behalf. Gamble, afterward Gov- 
ernor, put forward every energy and a wonderful ability 
in sustaining the administration ; and Yeatman, another 
Howard, lit up the Union hospitals with the glory of 
his benevolent work. It is sufficient to say of Bates 
that he was the trusted and prudent friend of Lincoln, 



202 

and Campbell gave liberally of his means to support the 
loyal soldiery of Missouri. 

THE PRICE-HARNEY ARRANGEMENT. 

But while St. Louis maintained an outward show of 
loyalty, there was much going on to occasion alarm and 
anxiety among Union men. The State Journal continued 
its daily attacks upon the Government, and upon 
"Numidian Lyon," alias "Lyon the murderer," unin- 
terrupted by the commander of the department, and 
protected by that commander against any patriotic 
demonstration by the Unionists, who felt the blush of 
shame burning their faces when they contemplated the 
security with which those traitors, from day to day, 
launched forth their venom against the Union men, and 
their treasonable articles against the Government. 

From every section of the State came reports of the 
overbearing tyranny of the secessionists, and their suspi- 
cious movements. So numerous were the evidences, that 
General Harney called for an interview with General 
Price; and on the 21st the two Generals signed an a^ree- 
ment, by which Harney bound the national Government 
to (in effect) respect the neutrality of the State Govern- 
ment, and both were to aid in preserving the peace. 
But in this latter Price and the State Government were 
to be the constables, and Harney and the " regular " 
troops were to serve as the fiosse comitatus when required 
by the former. Price agreed not to organize under the 
Military bill ; eacli man was to be protected in his indif- 
ference to the great struggle being made by the loyal 
people for national existence. Meetings for the Union 
were to be avoided, as were also meetings to destroy the 
Union. Patriotic gatherings were to be styled mobs, to 
be dispersed, because calculated to produce excitement; 
and the parties to disperse them were men who had 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 203 

insultingly told the President his call for seventy-five 
thousand men was "inhuman and diabolical." The 
publication of this agreement fell like a black cloud upon 
the hopes of the Unionists, and it was apparent that only 
one party (General Harney) was observing it. 

The publication of the agreement with Price was pre- 
faced by the following address : 

To the People of the State of Jfissouri: 

I take great pleasure in submitting to you the follow- 
ing paper, signed by General Price, commanding the 
forces of the State, and by myself, on the part of the 
Government of the United States. It will be seen that 
the united forces of both governments are pledged to the 
maintenance of the peace of the State, and the defense 
of the rights and the property of all persons without dis- 
tinction of party. This pledge, which both parties are 
authorized and empowered to give by the governments 
which they represent, will be by both most religiously 
and sacredly kept ; and, if necessary to put down evil- 
disposed persons, the military powers of both govern- 
ments will be called out to enforce the terms of the hon- 
orable and amicable agreement which has been made. 

I therefore call upon all persons in this State to 
observe good order, and respect the rights of their 
fellow-citizens, and give them the assurance of protection 
and security in the most ample manner. 

WM. S. HARNEY, 
Brigadier- General, Commanding. 

Two Governments ! What right had General Har- 
ney to treat with an officer created under a law which 
himself had denounced and proscribed ? 

LYON DISSATISFIED. 

Both Lyon and Blair viewed with profound disgust 
the temporizing policy of General Harney, and they knew 
just exactly what the truce was worth. Lyon paced his 
room in gloomy thought, conscious that in the pending 



204 

interregnum the benefits would all accrue to the rebel 
side. He was well posted as to the character of Jackson, 
and he felt himself incapable of trusting Price. He 
denounced in private the policy of postponing hostilities 
until the rebels were in sufficient force to consummate 
their plans. He felt like saying to Union men : " Go 
ahead ! pour out the deep feelings of your soul in grate- 
ful expressions to the good God for the blessings of this 
free Government ; be just as enthusiastic as ye please for 
the right ; meet in public, and fill the air with your Union 
oratory, under skies illuminated by your rockets ; fling to 
the breeze the starry banner of the Republic,and challenge 
for it the admiration of men, women, and children, here 
and everywhere; sing Union songs, talk Union talk, 
strike Union blows, and none shall molest ye or make 
ye afraid." Under the Price-Harney arrangement, all 
this was to be suppressed, and Union men were decreed 
to move around, like those guests who, as the story says, 
with their hands upon their lips, and their heads bowed 
upon their breasts, wandered in frightful and mysterious 
silence through the splendid halls of Eblis . 

JUSTIFICATION- OF LYON" BY THE SAFETY COMMITTEE. 

Immediately upon the publication of the foregoing, 
and learning of the efforts being made at Washington 
to remove Lyon from the department, Mr. James O. 
Broadhead, at the request of his brother-members of the 
Safety Committee, prepared the following, and, each 
member having signed it, forwarded the document to 
the party addressed : 

St. Louis, May 22, 1861. 
Hon. Montgomery Blair : 

Dear Sir — We, who have been selected by the Union 
men of St. Louis as a committee to attend to their inter- 
ests in the present crisis, deem it just to the authorities 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 205 

at Washington, as well as to the people of St. Louis and 
the officers of the General Government in authority here, 
to make a brief statement of the events which have 
taken place within the last two weeks. 

It cannot have escaped public attention that the gov- 
ernment of the State and a majority of the members of 
the Legislature have from the beginning sympathized 
with the rebellious movement in the seceding States, the 
object of which is to overthrow the Government of the 
United States. The insulting message of Governor 
Jackson in reply to the proclamation of the President 
calling for troops to put down this rebellion ; his mes- 
sage to the extra session of the Legislature, in which he 
says, " The similarity of our social and political institu- 
tions, our industrial interests, our sympathies, habits, and 
tastes, our common origin and territorial contiguity, all 
concur in pointing out our duty in regard to the separa- 
tion which is now taking place between the States of 
the old Federal Union," and that " in the meantime it is 
in his judgment indispensable to our safety that we should 
emulate the policy of all the other States, in arming our. 
people and placing the State in a proper attitude of de- 
fense ;" the iniquitous legislation of the General Assem- 
bly of Missouri, at the extra session,by which, to the pre- 
judice of the credit, the commercial prosperity,the educa- 
tional interests of the State, all available means, honest 
and dishonest, were to be diverted to the single object 
of arming the State, when she had no enemy to contend 
with, unless she chose to make an enemy of the Union — 
all show too plainly to be misunderstood, that the 
authorities of the State government, against the well- 
known wishes of the people of Missouri, were preparing, 
as rapidly as circumstances of the case would admit, to 
carry Missouri out of the Union. 

The Military bill, by the very oath required to be 
taken by those who were to be enrolled under it, in 
effect repudiated all allegiance to the Federal Govern- 
ment. In the meantime, companies of minute-men were 
being organized all over the State, under the flag of the 
" Confederate States," and an encampment was formed 
here at St. Louis, under the very eye of the United States 
officers commanding this military post. Of this encamp- 



206 GEN". 

ment, General Frost was the chief officer in command ; 
a man notoriously hostile to the Government, known 
and recognized as an unqualified secessionist; a man who 
had threatened time and again that he would take the 
United States arsenal. His command was composed 
chiefly of companies of minute-men, most of whom had 
been organized and drilled at the headquarters of the 
minute-men under a rebel flag. Under that flag recruits 
were being daily mustered *into the State service and 
sent out to this encampment ; arms were being procured 
and manufactured in the city, and secretly taken out to 
this camp ; arms and ammunition were being brought 
up from the rebel States in a boat bearing the rebel 
flag, falsely labeled and directed, and taken thence 
directly to this encampment ; under these circumstances, 
and in view of many other facts, too numerous to be 
mentioned in this communication, but all pointing to the 
same end, the military authorities here came to the wise 
conclusion that duty to the Government of the United 
States, as well as to the Union men of Missouri, required 
Jthat the encampment should be broken up ; which was 
done. 

That there were some good Union men and loyal citi- 
zens in that encampment we have no doubt ; and all that 
we can say of them is that they were caught in bad 
company, and they were discharged so soon as a dispo- 
sition was evinced on their part to recognize their alle- 
giance to the Government The accidents resulting from 
the act we deplore ; but the result has been most beneficial 
to the cause of the Union and of peace throughout the 
State. The first impulses of passion on the part of those 
disaffected toward the Government, brought together a 
body of men at the State capital, evidently designed to 
be set in hostile array against the General Government ; 
and we think they might very properly have been dis- 
persed as an unlawful combination under the circum- 
stances ; but the authorities here have, perhaps wisely, 
refrained from taking any such step. Through General 
Price, their commander-in-chief, they have within the 
last few days arranged terms of settlement with General 
Harney on the part of the General Government. These 
terms contain a pledge that the peace of the State and 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 207 

the rights of loyal citizens shall be protected by the 
State authorities. Our friends here and the friends of 
the Government were very much dissatisfied with the 
terms of the arrangement,because they feared that it would 
not secure the object so much desired by us all — the 
peace of the country and the safety of the Union men, 
who have been driven from their homes in various parts 
of the State — inasmuch as it seems to leave that pro- 
tection in the hands of the* very power by which it was 
imperiled. Very much complaint has been made of Gen- 
eral Harney for making such an arrangement without 
exacting some guarantee that the pledge of peace and 
security implied in it would be faithfully carried out. 

It is further objectionable because secession is not dis- 
tinctly repudiated ; because there seems to be an implied 
recognition of the right of the State authorities to arm 
the State under the provisions of the military law, which 
sets at defiance the Constitution of the United States,and 
the authority of the General Government ; and because 
there were no provisions for disbanding the military 
organizations which had been gotten up in different parts 
of the State ; and we fear that no good will come of the 
arrangement, but that it will only result in putting off 
the evil day until such time as the enemy will be better 
prepared to make resistance. But hoping that a faithful 
and literal execution of the arrangement will be required, 
we are disposed to acquiesce in what has been done, and 
await the developments of the future ; satisfied, however, 
that the spirit of insubordination and relentless hostility 
to the Government and to all those who uphold it, on 
the part of those having control of the State Govern- 
ment, is of such a character that the strictest vigilance 
on the part of Government and its officers is necessary 
to save Missouri to the Union ; that every conces- 
sion made to treason emboldens it the more ; and 
that nothing but the stern enforcement of military 
rule will, in times of revolution, when men have 
thrown off all restraints of the law, preserve the peace of 
the community and the authority of the Government 
against the machinations of such men. 

It is folly, and worse than folly, to deal with the rebel- 
lion in any other way. We have deemed it proper to 



208 

present these views to you, and through you to the 
administra'ion; and we confidently believe that we rep- 
resent in this behalf the opinions of the Union men not 
only of St. Louis, but of the State, whatever the enemies 
of the administration may say to the contrary. We are 
aware that a different coloring has been attempted to be 
given to the affairs that have taken place in "Missouri, by 
persons churning to be Union men ; but they are known 
and avowed enemies of the administration, and would 
not be displeased at any embarrassment that might be 
thrown in the way of its policy. We would further 
respectfully suggest that, under the arrangement made 
between General Harney and General Price, it may be 
difficult, if not impossible, for the State authorities, if 
they were so disposed, to protect the lives and property 
of the Union men, who are being treated most outrage- 
ously in seme parts of the State. The General Govern- 
ment, with its present force here, is fully able to protect 
them ; and the commanding officer here ousjht to be 
instructed to give them such protection by sending an 
armed force for that purpose, if necessary, or by estab- 
lishing temporary military posts, which may be rallying 
points for the Union men when driven from their homes; 
and he should be further instructed that if an effort is 
made to organize the militia of the State under the act 
of the Legislature above referred to, that he should 
instantly put a stop to it, after having given due notice 
to the State authorities that any proceedings under that 
act is inconsistent with the allegiance due by the citizens 
of the State to the General Government. 

He ought also to require a surrender to him of all the 
arms taken from the Liberty arsenal and from Kansas 
City, as tlie property of the Government. 

Respectfully yours, 

JAMES O. BROADHEAD. 
F. P. BLAIR, Jr. 
SAMUEL T. GLOVER. 
OLIVER D. FILLEY. 
JOHN HOW. 
JOHN J. WITZIG. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 209 

LYON A BRIGADIER-GENERAL OF VOLUNTEERS. 

On the 20th of May, Mr. C. Davisson arrived in St. Louis 
from Washington, with dispatches for Colonel Blair. 
Upon opening them he found the following official docu- 
ment for " General Lyon." That officer happened to be 
present, and as he received and read it he expressed his 
thanks to Colonel Blair for his generous interest in him, 
and thought the appointment had better contain his own 
name. The Colonel appreciated the compliment and 
thanked him, and then followed general congratulations. 
Here is the " Pub. Doc. : " 

War Department, May 17, 1861. 

Sir — You are hereby informed that the President of 
the United States has appointed you Brigadier-General 
of the volunteer force, raised in conformity with the Pres- 
ident's proclamation of May 3, 1861, in the service of the 
United States, to rank as such from the 1 8th day of May, 
1861. * * * * * 

SIMON CAMERON, 

Secretary of War. 
Brigadier-General Nathaniel Lyon, 
U. S. Volunteers, 

St. Louis, Mo. 

The following was also in the package : 

War Department, ) 

Adjutant-General's Office, ) 

Washington, May 16, 1861. 
Special Order No. 135. 

I. Brigadier-General W. S. Harney is relieved from 
command of the Department of the West, and is granted 
leave of absence until further orders. 
By order, 

L. THOMAS, 

Adjutant- General. 



210 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

At the same time Colonel Blair received the following 
letter, in the handwriting of Mr. Lincoln : 

PRIVATE LETTER FROM MR. LINCOLN. 

Washington, D. C, May 18, 1861. 
Hon. F. P. Blair: 

My Dear Sir — We have a good deal of anxiety here 
about St. Louis. I understand an order has gone from 
the War Department to you, to be delivered or withheld 
in your discretion, relieving General Harney from his 
command. I was not quite satisfied with the order when 
it was made, though on the whole I thought it best to 
make it ; but since then I have become more doubtful of 
its propriety. I do not write now to countermand it, 
but to say I wish you would withhold it, unless in your 
judgment the necessity to the contrary is very urgent. 
There are several reasons for this. We better have him 
a, friend than an enemy. It will dissatisfy a good many 
who otherwise would be quiet. More than all, we first 
relieve him, then restore him ; and now if we relieve him 
again the public will ask, " Why all this vacillation ? " 

Still, if in your judgment it is indispensable, let it be 
so. Yours very truly, 

A. LINCOLN. 

[Private.] 

Colonel Blair pocketed the letter and the order. He 
fully entered into the spirit of Mr. Lincoln's letter, and 
talked frankly with Lyon, under the seal of confidence, 
regarding it. It was determined the order should not 
be handed to Harney, until it should be criminal to 
longer withhold it. On the next day appeared the ar- 
rangement between Price and Harney, and under the 
circumstances Colonel Blair concluded to give Harney an 
opportunity of more completely testing his policy. He 
was not disposed to part with Harney, if he could avoid 
it. He admired the man in his military capacity, and 
thought, if he could once divest himself of the influences 
surrounding him, he would do well enough. But day by 
day events multiplied, and the arsenal was thronged 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 211 

with messengers from every quarter of the State, com- 
plaining of the organization of the " Missouri State 
Guard" under the Military bill, and the depredations 
committed by the secessionists. Colonel Blair endeavored 
to rouse Harney to a just appreciation of the demands 
of the occasion, but that officer could not agree with the 
policy of the Colonel. As an instance of the manner in 
which General Harney would manage things I give the 
following : 

The letters which reached Colonel Blair from different 
parts of the State every day occupied the time of his 
secretary, Major Chauncey P. E. Johnson, from morning 
until night, in filing and replying to them. Among 
other letters explaining the way matters were going on 
in the State, Colonel Blair sent the following to General 
Harney : 

[telegram.] 

Springfield, May 24, 1861. 
I sent dispatch on yesterday, as follows : 
" General Sterling Price — I hope you will forth- 
with order General Rains to cease the organization of 
militia under the military law. Answer. 

Phelps." 
— and another to Governor Jackson, and another to-day 
to General Price. They refuse to reply. What does it 
mean ? 

John S. Phelps. 
To Stebbins, 

President Mo. River Telegraph Co. 

Springfield, May 24, 1861. 
To Stebbins — Is it fully understood that the execution 
of the military law is to be suspended ? If no invasion 
from Arkansas and Indian country, there will be no diffi- 
culty in Southwest. It is reported Governor Reynolds 
passed, on his way to Arkansas — why ? Colonel Free- 
man, of Polk, has also gone to Arkansas. Is Reynolds 
in St. Louis ? He said, near this place : " The military law 



212 

shall be enforced." There is a rumor that guns and men 
are expected from Arkansas. The following letter was 
found in on 3 of the overland stage-coaches after General 
Rains passed : 

"Sarcoxie, Mo., May 3, 1861. 
" General J. S. Rains : Dear Sir — From latest advices 
we learn that the Cherokee Indians and probably other 
tribes are anxious to lend their aid to our State. Ross 
states that lie can furnish fifteen thousand men well armed. 
I suggest the propriety of Governor Jackson appointing 
commissioners to visit them and secure their services. 
Things are about as when you left. The Republicans 
are all leaving for Kansas. We fear there is a bad motive 
in view. Arm us as quick as possible. 

(Signed) A. M. Patterson." 

On the hack of the letter is this indorsement to 
Governor Jackson. 

"I would advise your opening a correspondence at 
once with Ross. 

(Signed) Rains." 

The document is here in hands of County Clerk. 

Governor Reynolds was in the stage for Fayetteville, 
and Major Russell, formerly of Arkansas, was with him, 
entered on way-bill " Major Russell and friend." 
Governor R. pretends to be frightened, and says the 
people of St. Louis would not permit lum to go home 
and see his sick wife, &c , but that he intends to avenge 
himself on the people of St. Louis and the submissionists 
of Missouri. A reliable gentleman states, from expres- 
sions used by secessionists he is convinced a movement 
on us from the South is expected; hence stopped the tele- 
graph in Arkansas. I have appointments till Tuesday ; 
will be here tomorrow night, and will leave Sunday 
morning for Hickory county. 

JOHN S. PHELPS. 

General Harney telegraphed General Price relating 
what had \ oen told him, and intimating the probability 
of his sending a regiment to Springfield to protect 
peaceable citizens. In reply to this, Price sent the fol- 
lowing : 



and missouri in 1861. 213 

[by telegraph.] 
Jefferson City, May 24, 1861. 
General W. S. Harney, IT. S. Army: 

I am satisfied your information is incorrect. It cannot 
be that arms or men are crossing into Missouri from any 
quarter without the knowledge of the Gove: nor or my- 
self, and we have no such information. I advise that you 
do not send a regiment into the Southwest — it would 
exasperate our own people. 

I have attended to dispatches inclosed me by you, 
from Springfield and St. Joseph. I am dismissing my 
troops, and I will carry out my agreement faithfully. 
(Signed) STERLING PRICE, 

Major- General^ Commanding Mo. S. G. 

[note.] 
(General Harney to Colonel Blair. 

Friday Morning, May 24, 1861. 
Dear Colonel — I send you a copy of a tebjraph just 
received from General Price. 

It is what I expected and hoped. 
I consider it entirely satisfactory. Don't you ? 
Yours truly, 

WM. S. HARNEY, 
Brigadier- General, <#c, <&c. 
To Colonel F. P. Blair, St. Louis Arsenal. 

NO ! Blair could not be satisfied, and he icas not 
satisfied. 

THE EFFECTS OF THE " ARRANGEMENT." 

The following selections, about the first arrived at, will 
reveal the contents of almost several bushels of letters 
sent to Colonel Blair at that time. I am under obliga- 
tions to Major Chauncey P. E. Johnson for the use of the 
originals. It will be seen how much confidence was to 
be put in the representations of General Price. 
[By telegraph to the Missouri Republican.] 

Independence, Mo., June 1, 1861. 

General Rains was here to-day, and according to pre- 
vious notice had some of the military companies assem- 



214 

bled. Sixty-one of Captain Thurston's cavalry company 
was sworn in under the recent law, besides twenty-five 
more of another company, whose members were not all 
present. H. B. Halloway was appointed Inspector-Gen- 
eral of this Division, and R. N. Hill, Adjutant. The 
remaining appointments will be made in other parts of 
the district. 

[Of course this was not the work of Price ; only of 
Rains .] 

[extract.] 

Alexandria. Mo., May 26, 1861. 
Samuel T. Glover : 

Dear Sir — I heard one of a committee appointed by 
the traitors in this country to solicit arms from the Gov- 
ernor, state that Jackson promised to ship arms to this 
county in the next eight or ten days for the purpose of 
arming the secessionists. * * * 
Respectfully, 

WM. BISHOP. 

[abstract.] 

(From S. M. Wirt to Dr. D. B. Hillis.) 

This letter is dated Edina, Mo., and sent to Keokuk, 
thence forwarded to Colonel Blair at St. Louis. It 
states the rebels are organizing and arming, and begs 
that Government may be induced to arm the Union men, 
else the latter will be crushed or driven out. Speaks of 
activity of the rebels and raising of secession flags in 
other counties. Mr. Wirt desires all correspondence 
shall come through Dr. Hillis, as the Postmaster at 
Edina, Knox county, Mo., is a secessionist, and is not to 
be trusted. 

[abstract.] 

C. Glover, Medora, Osage county, Mo., in a letter 
dated May 24, writes to Colonel Blair : Desires to know 
if Union men of Osage county can procure powder, 
lead, and caps, and states that a good deal of excitement 
is produced by " Jackson's ruffians," who travel through 
the county shouting at every station for Jeff Davis, and 
threatening to tear down Union flagstaffs ; reports that 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 215 

he has good reason to believe that Jackson has been dis- 
tributing the powder formerly taken to Jefferson City 
to secession localities. Six kegs were left at Chamois 
(Osage county), where they have organized a secession 
company ; a number of kegs were sent to Castle Rock, 
on the Osage river, and it has been seen going down the 
railroad in small lots. " All this means something, and 
Union men know it means no good to them. Osage 
county is all right on the Union question," but Union 
men want ammunition. 

[copy.] 
St. Charles, June 1, 1861. 
Hon. F. P. Blair : 

Dear Friend — From various indications I see that 
they are seeking to enforce the Military bill, commencing 
with the secessionists (who are in fact the men they 
design to enlist) . While I do not think they will attempt 
to enforce the bill among the Union men (for they do 
not in fact want them,) yet the effect will be that dis- 
union 1 ! sts will be organized and armed, while the Union 
clement will not have the benefit of an organization. 
We proposed drawing together on the Fourth day of July 
our whole Union Guard, and I wish you to write fully to 
me as to your views and wishes in the premises. 
Yours, etc., 

A. KREKEL. 

[From the Memphis Bulletin, May 31, 1861.] 

"Lieutenant-Governor Reynolds, of Missouri, was at 
Little Rock last Monday. He made a speech there 
which was strongly in the interest of the Southern 
cause." 

[abstract.] 

A. Brunson and John N". Hummer, refugees from 
Macon City, in a joint letter to Messrs. Blair and Glover, 
dated Keokuk, Iowa, May 25, 1861, state that Mr. E. 
Littrell, recently appointed Postmaster at Macon City, 
was refused possession by the present incumbent, A. Lar- 
rabee. Speeches were made by leading secessionists, and 
a mob so seriously threatened Mr. Littrell that he was 
forced to leave Macon City in haste, and at a sacrifice of 



216 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

from six to ten thousand dollars. Letters through the 
Post Office at Macon City, if handed at all to Union men, 
were delivered with envelops torn open in most every 
instance. J. M. Smith, D. McCord, D. D. Fowler, R. M. 
Holt, and others are referred to to prove truth of state- 
ments. 

[copy.] 

St. Louis, May 2 1, 1861. 

General Lyon — The Rev. E. S. Schenck, of the Boys' 
Military School, has a brass cannon. 

Dr. Ludwig E. Powell has a brass cannon. 

Dr. McElhiney, Dr. Powell, and Judge Yoste have each 
a six-barrel rifle. 

Walton & Evans have from ten to fifteen kegs of 
powder. 

Search MacBryde's house for powder. 

[extract.] 
Springfield, Mo., May 30, 1861. 
O. D. Filley, Esq. : 

Dear Sir — Everything is quiet here, but both parties 
appear feverish and restless. The Union men hope the 
Price and Harney arrangement may be carried out, but 
they have no confidence in its being done. Rains has 
commenced organizing under the Military bill, and if he 
once gets his secession bands armed we will, no doubt, 
have war in our midst. Some of our secessionists from 
Missouri are in Arkansas, soliciting aid, but to what 
extent I am unable to inform you. Arkansas is doing 
what she can to concentrate troops near our border. 
They are entrenching themselves at Harmony Springs, 
near Maysville. ******* 
Your friend, 

JOHN M. RICHARDSON. 

[copy.] 
Jefferson City, May 15, 1861. 
Hon. F. P. Blair : 

Dear Sir — The Jacksonites are expecting fifteen or 
twenty cannon to reach here within twenty or thirty 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 217 

days at furthest. They are to come through Arkansas. 
They have about fifteen hundred men here, and compa- 
nies and squads are arriving daily. 

A FRIEND. 

Same information in a letter from A. Fulkerson. 
[copy.] 
Springfield, Mo., May 30, 1861. 
O. D. Fillet, St. Louis. 

My Dear Sir — Gentlemen of respectability and of 
unquestioned veracity, residents of our place, heard 
Reynolds and Russell make speeches in Arkansas, 
urging Arkansans to come to the rescue of Southern 
men in Missouri. Five thousand of them are assem- 
bling on the Missouri line. Reynolds went to Little 
Rock in furtherance of these damnable purposes. 
There now rests no doubt in the minds of the 
people out here of the business of Reynolds, Freeman, 
and Russell, into Arkansas. I saw a young man on my 
way home, near Warsaw, and he told Kimbrough and 
myself that three or four wagons had started for 
Arkansas for arms. I received a letter from Colonel 
Williamson, of Mellville, Dade co., Mo., yesterday, and 
he says a military company of Cedar county, headed by 
Captain Walker (under the late military law), has 
ordered his (Williamson's) Home Guards to disband, and 
on refusal to do so they will march upon them. Since 
my return home I have messengers and letters from all 
parts of the Southwest, inquiring of me what the Gov- 
ernment will do for their safety. The people are over- 
whelmed with terror and fright. Rains is still enlisting 
men. On the 11th of June a general mass meeting of 
secessionists is advertised to come off at this place. 
Deviltry is intended by it, we greatly imagine. The 
Monday after I left here for St. Louis, our home guard 
mustered into service 800 men, 300 of whom had toler- 
ably effective arms. Yet the secesh have better arms 
than we. They are ordering good citizens throughout 
the Southwest to leave. Governor Jackson telegraphed 
to Hancock and others living here, inquiring who it was 
informed Harney about Reynolds, Freeman, and Russell 
going into Arkansas. They told him in answer it was 
!0 



218 

all a lie. I have since then taken the statements of four 
gentlemen, over each of their signatures, to the correct- 
ness of the statements made. Richardson and others 
are writing to our friends in St. Louis for some definite 
action in our behalf. We feel confident of the treachery 
of Price and Jackson. 

Yours, &c, 

S. H. BOYD. 
The following is added to the above : 
Every word of the statement sent Harney on Monday 
is fully confirmed. 

OWEN. 

[extract.] 
Kansas City, Mo., June 1, 1861. 
Hon. F. P. Blair : 

Dear Sir— Indications are accumulating that we are yet 
to have trouble in this quarter. The traitors, as some of 
them allege, are availing themselves of the contract 
between Harney and Price merely for security, while 
secretly and energetically preparing to set it at defiance. 
I am just informed that Shields and others are about 
establishing a manufactory for arms in Independence ; the 
capital for the enterprise doubtless comes from the per- 
verted funds of the State. A German manufacturer in 
this city has been engaged for that service, to be paid 
quarterly in advance. * * * 

Very respectfully yours, 

G. C. BINGHAM. 

[extract.] 
Hermann, Gasconade Co., May 28, 1861. 
Hon. F. P. Blair: 

Dear Sir — * * * * Teams are constantly cross- 
ing the river here on their way to the North — Union 
people driven from their homes, mostly from the South- 
west. All the Union men here have fears that this peace 
will not amount to anything, only allow the secession 
leaders to arm and organize the State. * * * 
Your obedient servant, 

C. CAMPBELL MANWARING 



and missouri in 1861. 219 

[extract.] 

Harrisonville, Cass Co., June 8, 1861. 
Colonel F. P. Blair : 

Dear Sir — * ******* 
* * There is much uneasiness amongst the Union 
men in this neighborhood, on account of the enrollment 
of Jackson's " State Guard," and the oath, and most of 
its members being secessionists; and some of them being 
armed. About four weeks ago there were two wagons 
loaded with ammunition came to this place on a Sunday 
morning. Since then I learn that it has been distributed 
or moved away, as it was only guarded for three or four 
nights. I have been told by several that Senator Pey- 
ton, in one of his speeches at Austin or Dayton, said 
that what they could not get at the ballot-box, they 
would take with the bayonet and bullet. 

On last Monday, the would-be General, Rains, was in 
this office, and at the same time Representative W. M. 
Briscoe came in. Amongst the first remarks after the 
ordinary salutation was congratulating him (Rains) on 
his success in obtaining the aid of the Cherokees ; to 
which he (Rains) replied they were all right, and that 
the Democrat was out on him for it ; at the same time 
remarking that they were very near as white as us, and 
equally as intelligent. ****** 

Your obedient servant, 

JOHN CHRISTIAN, P. M. 

The following was captured : 

"Warrensburg, June 1, 1861. 
General Sterling Price : 

Sir — We have here a company of about fifty mounted 
men. We wish to know whether the State can arm us 
or not. If it cannot, are our services wanted or not ? 

EMORY S. FOSTER, 

Cleric Johnson County, 

So strong was the testimony of the evil effects of this 
treaty, continually received at Washington, that the 
President directed the following to be sent to General 
Harney : 



220 gen. nathaniel lyon. 

Adjutant-General's Office, ) 

Washington, May 27, 1861. \ 

Brig.-General W. S. Harney, Commanding. Depart- 
ment of the West : 

Sir — The President observes with concern that, not- 
withstanding the pledge of the State authorities to 
co-operate in preserving peace in Missouri, that loyal 
citizens, in great numbers, continue to be driven from 
their homes. 

It is immaterial whether these outrages continue 
through inability or indisposition on the part of the 
State authorities to prevent them. It is enough that 
they continue, to devolve on you the duty of putting a 
stop to them summarily by the force under your com- 
mand, to be aided by such troops as you may require 
from Kansas, Iowa, and Illinois. The professions of 
loyalty to the Union by the State authorities of Missouri 
are not to be relied upon. They have already falsified 
their professions too often, and are too far committed to 
secession to be entitled to your confidence ; and you can 
only be sure of their desisting from their wicked pur- 
poses when it is out of their power to prosecute them. 
You will, therefore, be unceasingly watchful of their 
movements, and not permit the clamor of their partisans 
(and opponents of the wise measures already taken) to 
prevent you from checking every movement against the 
Government, however disguised under the pretended 
State authority. The authority of the United States is 
paramount ; and whenever it is apparent that a move- 
ment, whether by color of State authority or not, is hos- 
tile, you will not hesitate to put it down. 

L. THOMAS, 

Adjutant- General. 

HARNEY HAS NO NECESSITY FOR TROOPS. 

About the 26th of May a delegation of officers, then 
engaged in organizing the " American Zouaves," a regi- 
ment intended for the war (afterward renowned as the 
-Eighth Regiment Infantry Missouri Volunteers), called 
upon General Harney for the purpose of receiving au- 



AND MISSOURI IN 18G1. 221 

thority to be mastered into the service, or at least some 
encouragement in their patriotic designs. The General 
received them peevishly, told them they had better go 
home and attend to their regular avocations ; that there 
was too much of the spirit of fight abroad, and that the 
Government had too many troops already. The inter- 
view lasted but a few moments, and when the officers 
withdrew they proceeded to the arsenal. Colonel Blair 
introduced them to General Lyon. They told the General 
their story and asked for advice, stating their ability, if 
they could be mustered in immediately, to present very 
nearly a maximum regiment. In reply, General Lyon 
said : " You are a fine-looking body of men, and no doubt 
ought to be accepted. But General Harney has the 
power ; I have not. Had I the authority, I would take 
you, and all others presenting themselves. I'd finish 
this business up at once, by putting the traitors in such 
a position they could not organize. You had better 
keep up your spirits and organization. The present 
state of affairs cannot last long." 

There were deputations from the country present, and 
General Lyon remarked they were in the same position, 
and that the secesh were having it all their own way. 
He, however, advised those officers to send to the Secre- 
tary of War for authority, and, to assist in the matter, 
himself and Colonel Blair wrote special requests to the 
Secretary that the American Zouaves be accepted. 

REMOVAL OF GENERAL HARNEY. 

Colonel Blair, finding General Harney persistent in his 
course of faithful neutrality, and being daily, aye, hourly 
in receipt of letters like the foregoing from every section 
of Missouri, and convinced that the Union cause was 
sinking under the Price-Harney arrangement, and that, 
in the language of Mr. Lincoln, it was " indispensable " 



222 GEN. 

to the safety of the cause to get rid of Harney, deter- 
mined to act. Consequently, on the 30th of May, he 
gave to General Harney, by the hands of Benjamin 
Farrar, Esq., the order of the War Department (N"o. 135), 
dated May 16, and at once dispatched to the President 
the following letter, in explanation of his conduct : 

St. Louis Arsenal, May 30, 1861. 

To the President — On the 16th of May, an order was 
issued by the War Department, relieving General Harney 
from the ccmmand of the Department of the West, grant- 
ing him leave of absence. 

By order of the President, this order was sent to me, 
to be delivered to General Harney when in case the 
public interest required it. During the time that Brig- 
adier-General Lyon, acting under special orders of the 
President, was in command of United States troops at 
this post, in view of the hostile attitude assumed by the 
Governor and authorities of this State toward the United 
States Government, General (then Captain) Lyon, seeing 
the formidable preparations which were being made by 
the authorities to commence war upon the United States, 
and knowing that these preparations had long been on 
foot, and extended to all parts of the State, felt it to be 
his duty to strike a decisive blow at the enemy, at a 
time when his forces were relatively so much the larger ; 
so that such a course of action, accompanied with the 
power to successfully keep it up, would intimidate and 
subdue the rebels before they had gained strength 
or confidence. The capture of Camp Jackson, while it 
furnished conclusive evidence of the treasonable purpose 
of those who controlled it, served greatly to intimidate 
the leaders of the rebellion. Had it been followed up 
by blows struck at the enemy in other parts of the 
State, the rebellion would speedily and effectually, and 
at small cost of life or treasure, have been suppressed 
in this State; and it was the policy and intention of 
General Lyon to pursue such a course. In this policy I 
sustained General Lyon. 

Just at this point General Harney assumed the com- 
mand, and before the order relieving him reached me he 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 223 

had made an arrangement with General Price, command- 
ing State forces, the purport of which I presume is known 
to the President. Satisfied that evil results would follow 
from that arrangement, I should at the time have deliv- 
ered the order to General Harney : but felt, under the 
responsibility placed upon me, that it was proper for me 
to wait and see if any good might come under the ad- 
ministration of General Harney. From that day to this 
it has been perfectly apparent to me that matters were 
growing worse, and that said arrangement served only 
as a cover and a protection to rebels throughout the 
State. I have to-day delivered to General Harney the 
order of the 16th of May, above mentioned, relieving him, 
feeling that the progress of events, and condition of 
affairs in this State, makes it incumbent upon me to 
assume the grave responsibility of this act, the discre- 
tionary power in the premises having been given me by 
the President, and I make a brief statement of the rea- 
sons therefor. 

We have conclusive evidence that extensive prepara- 
tions within this State are on foot to raise and arm large 
forces to make war upon the United States Government. 
From every neighborhood in the central and southwest 
portion of the State men are drilling and arming, and 
both arms and men will speedily be brought to the State 
from Arkansas. A large number of wagons have been 
sent from Jefferson City to the southern part of the 
State to transport arms and other munitions of war. For 
the last ten days I have had most of my time occupied 
by persons from all parts of the State, who have come 
here expressly to give information of this state of facts, 
and ask the aid of the Government to protect Union 
men. 

Should these things be permitted longer to go on, the 
Union men would be crushed or driven out from all 
parts of the State, and the State be completely given 
over to the hands of the rebels. Day after day I have 
made known to General Harney what was occurring in 
the interior, and I have urged upon him the necessity of 
taking measures to protect the peaceful part of the 
people. His answer has been—" I will tell Price about 
it ; I will get Price to correct it ; " and he has treated the 



224 GEN. 

statements of these men from the interior as untrue, or 
too insignificant to deserve attention. At times he has 
promised me that he would interpose, but afterward 
would say that there was no occasion for doing anything. 
I ascribe the conduct of General Harney to the influences 
by which he is constantly surrounded. His friends and 
advisers are bitter enemies of the Government, some of 
them pretended Union men, others undisguised seces- 
sionists. Constantly surrounded by these enemies of the 
administration, and yielding to the advice and requests 
of such men, his conduct is such that under him the 
cause of the Union is rapidly sinking, and that of its 
enemies rapidly attaining power ; and I feel, and know, 
that his removal has become absolutely necessary. The 
preparations of the enemy are now so active and formi- 
dable, that I am satisfied the President should order a 
large increase of United States forces in this State, so 
that troops may be enlisted and stationed at Jefferson 
City, Lexington, St. Joseph, Hannibal, Macon City, 
Springfield, and other points. 

In other States, where there are no domestic enemies, 
much larger forces have been authorized, while in Missouri, 
where the enemy is large and powerful, and is being re- 
enforced from the South, the number authorized is inade- 
quate. I therefore urge upon the President that he issue 
such orders for the increase of the forces in this State as 
will enable the loyal citizens to protect their homes and 
the Government from the rebels. Forces raised in Mis- 
souri will be better able to accomplish this purpose than 
those from other States. I have reliable information of 
the disloyalty of many of the United States officers who 
have been stationed in New Mexico and Utah, and there 
is reason to believe that they, with such parts of their 
commands as they may be able to draw after them, act- 
ing in conjunction with the Indians to the southwest of 
this State, who by emissaries from Missouri and Arkan- 
sas have been incited to hostility, and with forces from 
the Southwest, will combine in supporting the secession- 
ists within this State. From abundant information I 
regard this to be an impending danger, and in view of it 
I ask, that in addition to authority to increase our force 
in Missouri, that orders be issued for the co-operation of 



ASD MISSOURI IN 1861. 225 

the United States regulars and State forces in Kansas 
to be employed in the southwest part of this State and 
Arkansas, and the Indian territory. We are well able 
to take care of this State without assistance from else- 
where, if authorized to raise a sufficient force within the 
State ; and after that work is done we can take care of 
the secessionists from the Arkansas line to the Gulf, 
along the west shore of the Mississippi. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

FRAKK P. BLAIR, Jr. 

The following is the letter referred to in the letter of 
Mr. Dick, as accompanying the order to General Harney : 

Washington, May 17, 1861. 

General — I did not intend that you should be re- 
stored to the command at St. Louis till I heard the wishes 
of the Union men at St. Louis on that subject, and was 
waiting for the effect of your letter to Colonel O'Fallon 
when you went otf, without my having decided the ques- 
tions, by an order from the War Department. I have 
stated this to General Cameron, and have had to say, 
also, that I find that our people at St. Louis are not satis- 
fied that you should command them at this juncture. 
This arises chiefly from the positions taken in the present 
contest by your relations at St. Louis. It is impossible 
for men whose lives are at stake, they say, to be satisfied 
with the command of one whose intimates are openly 
against them. Upon this ground I have urged that you 
should be relieved of the command at St. Louis, and the 
administration could not take the responsibility of refus- 
ing to grant this request ; and the order should not, 
therefore, be deemed by you or by others to reflect upon 
your loyalty, but as simply a decision upon the safe side 
under embarrassing circumstances. 

Respectfully yours, 

M. BLAIR. 
Brigadier-General W. S. Harney, St. Louis. 

Washington, June 4, 1861. 

Dear Frank — Yours to the President came to hand 
and has been read by him. He is persuaded that you 
were right, and Cameron sustains you. I learned from 
10* 



226 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

Henry Turner, who came on to sustain Harney, that 
Hitchcock was his guide. I showed Cameron, also, let- 
ters from Gantt, Glover, Dr. Silas Reed, and Dick How- 
ard the letters well written, and saying that nothing 
but the supposition that you consented to the bargain 
between Harney and Price satisfied anybody with it. 
Bates was satisfied to let things remain as they are, but 
wishes McClellan's authority extended over Missouri. 
To this there can be no objection. I hope, indeed, that 
McClellan may be induced to visit St. Louis, and order 
some of the Illinois troops to be quartered in Missouri at 
once, so that there may be a suppression of the rebellion 
there. I have no doubt of your information being cor- 
rect, and that there will be an invasion from Arkansas. 

McClellan, from what I can hear from him, will sympa- 
thize strongly with your people ; and from his position 
and high character in the West, it would remove all idea 
from the minds of the Union men of Missouri, who do not 
like you, that the movements of troops there were 
dictated by mere partisanship. 

This is a feeling that I see colors the course of things 
in Missouri. It is not so much disunion as hostility to 
the Republicans which gives Jackson's clique power. 
Now, whilst I am anxious that the Union feeling in the 
State should come to the Republicans, and it will eventu- 
ally do so, you must be careful at present, as far as 
possible, not to arrest the Union feeling by making it 
too visibly your property. I see that you have acted 
with this before you in giving Lyon the position of 
General, and not taking it yourself. * * * 

It is a full justification and vindication of you, that 
Harney, after denouncing the Military bill as unconstitu- 
tional,* proceeded to treat with Price, acting under its 



* The following extract is from the first proclamation of General Harney : 
" It is with regret that I feel it my duty to call your attention to the recent 
act of the General Assembly of Missouri, known as the Military bill, which is 
the result, no doubt, of the temporary excitement that now pervades the gen- 
eral mind. This bill cannot be regarded in any other light than an indirec 
secession ordinance, ignoring even the forms resorted to by other States. 
Manifestly its most material provisions are in conflict with the Constitution 
and laws of the United States. To this extent it is a nullity, and cannot and 
ought not to be upheld or regarded by the good citizens of Missouri. 1 ' 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 227 

authority, who did not, of course, keep faith, but pro- 
ceeded at once to play out the game intended by the bill 

M. BLAIR. 
To Colonel F. P. Blair. 

HARNEY AND LYON COMPARED. 

No man ought to say that General Harney was dis- 
loyal, yet I heard many in those days say that he was 
disloyal. They were not, however, among those who 
were the most intelligent and best informed. But his 
surroundings were of men hostile to the administration, 
if not to the Government. I believe he had very little 
sympathy with the Union men of Missouri. I believe 
he had the strongest kind of sympathy with the class of 
men then refusing to co-operate with the Government ; 
not to say in actual arms against the Government. It 
always appeared to me he would like to have had the 
Confederacy recognized, yet he would not himself fight 
against the Union. It is to me incomprehensible how a 
sound Union man, with the splendid military ability of 
William S. Harney, should, in that four years' struggle, 
have raised his arm, in no one instance, in behalf of the 
Republic. Save in his agreement with Price, the fault I 
find with Harney is not in acts of commission, but of omis- 
sion. To me the difference between him and Lyon was 
this: Harney looked upon a traitor as an "erring 
brother;" Lyon as just exactly what he was, a traitor. 
Harney deprecated the quarr , and sought to avoid the 
spilling of blood by acquiescence in the plans of the con- 
spirators; Lyon, while deprecating the quarrel, thought 
it the best plan to visit upon the refractory prompt and 
severe punishment, and force them back to proper sub- 
jection. Harney regarded a man according to his condi- 
tions ; Lyon disregarded conditions, and looked upon each 
man as a priceless unit among the spiritual creations of 



223 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON. 

the Almighty. Harney adhered to arrangements ; Lyon 
to principle. "Army Regulations" might have made 
Harney indirectly aid and abet the conspirators ; Lyon 
said to Cavender and Broadhead, " If necessary, you 
shall have the guns ; " no army regulations should stand 
in the way in such a crisis. Harney would not have 
iriobsted Camp Jackson; Lyon captured it Harney 
placed confidence in Sterling Price and Claiborne F. 
Jackson , Lyon did not. Secessionists sought Harney ; 
the}^ shunned Lyon. Harney would not aid the rebel- 
lion ; on the other hand, did he aid the Union ? 

It was not fully known until the 31st that Harney 
had been removed. In obeying a writ issued by Judge 
Treat, of the United States District Court, in the habeas 
corpus case of Captain McDonald, he replied by stating 
that he had been relieved from command, and was no 
longer in possesssion of authority. When the loyal 
men ; the real and true loyal men ; the loyalists without 
any " ifs " and" buts ;" the loyalists who were not afraid 
of hurting rebels — when that kind of loyal men, aye, and 
loyal women also, heard that Harney was removed, and 
Lyon restored to full command, there was such an ex- 
pression of thankfulness and joy as had never been 
heard in Missouri, since she fell prostrate under the iron 
heel of the slaveocracy. 



GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

AND 

MISSOURI IN 1861. 



BOOK IV. 

Wilson's creek. 

CONTENTS— Lyon in Command— Lyon no Half-way Man— The East 
pours in its Offerings— Lton and the Clergy — Union State Organ- 
izations — Home Guards authorized by Lyon— Organization of the 
Union Party— Lyon's First Report— Interview between General 
Lyon and Governor Jackson— Plight of the Traitor Governor — 
Governor's Pkoclamation of War — Movements of Union Troops — Lyon 
moves in person up the Missouri— Progress of Lyon's Expedition- 
Account of Jackson's Return to Jefferson — Lyon made subordinate 
— Mr. Bates urged to withdraw his OEEosition to Lyon— Capture of 
Boonville— Proclamation by Lyon— Lyon at Boonville— Colonel 
Harding's Statement of the Opening of the Campaign by L yon- 
Suppression of the State Journal— Call for Extra Session of the 
State Convention— Bull Run and Measures to prevent Outbreak — 
Meeting of the State Convention — Fremont assumes Command— The 
Advance on Springfield— Battle of Carthage— Sweeney re-enforces 
Sigel— General Lyon at Springfield— Efforts to procure re-en- 
forcements— General Lyon to the War Department— Correspond- 
ence— Fremont BESIEGED FOR HELP— FORSYTH AND DUG SPRINGS — 

Fremont in St. Louis — Lyon's Last Days at Springfield— Roster of 
Lyon's Army— TnE Night before the Battle — Battle of Wilson's 
Creek — Death of Lyon— Wilson's Creek a Victory — Fremont's Ac- 
tivity—In Memoriam. 

LYON IN COMMAND. 

Brigadier-General Nathaniel Lyon is now in com- 
mand of the Departme at of the West. Delegations visit- 
ing him from the interior no longer retire with mere words 



232 

of encouragement only, but take with them authority to 
organize and weapons and ammunition for defense. 
Union men are assured of protection, and loyalty meets 
with reward. Expeditions are forwarded along the prin- 
cipal lines of railroad where rebels threaten to destroy, 
and secesh companies are ordered to disband. Unionists 
move about with spirit and confidence, for the Govern- 
ment begins to show signs of life. 

But in his new rank Lyon is the same to his associates 
as before ; he does not hasten to put on his new insignia ; 
in fact he never did wear it, for when he fell at Wilson 
Creek he had on the blouse of a private and an old felt 
hat. Pie does not make any parade of staff assignments ; 
every officer selected is absolutely required for the duties 
he has to perform, be his rank what it may. Affairs in 
the arsenal begin to move like clock-work. Camp Jack- 
son is no longer cause for troubled rest at night ; and he 
loves to meet a chosen few after tattoo, and talk over old 
times, and of historic deeds ; or recurring to the present, 
his light blue eyes kindle with a lofty enthusiasm as he 
thanks God he is an actor on the great stage in these 
troublous times — a leading character in the dramatis 
perso?7ce of the play. 

LYON NO HALF-WAY MAN. 

But of all things Lyon loved decision . He wanted a 
positive man. He had not the least sympathy for that 
class of men who can be better understood by an exhi- 
bition of their own productions. I find among the let- 
ters placed at my disposal quite a number, of which the 
two following are samples. They explain themselves. 
Lyon had no confidence in, and no respect for, such 
Unionism as stands displayed in these two epistles. He 
felt that every man owed it to his country to stand by 
it with his strong right arm in time of trouble, and he 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 233 

regarded with very little affection that cowardly spirit 
which would shrink from a duty at any time. I give 
these letters, the first at hand, to show the spirit of that 
opposing influence to the prompt, vigorous policy of 
Lyon. One is dated in September, during the adminis- 
tration of General Fremont, but it goes to show that 
there are people who require much information before 
they can learn anything. 

Farmington, Mo., May 17, 1861. 
Hon. F. P. Blair, Jr. : 

Dear Sir — I need not tell you there is a great excite- 
ment all over the country, which you and a few here 
can measurably allay. At least we can prevent the 
shedding of blood. 

We are, as you know, Southern men, but we never 
have been secessionists — that is, but few. We had 
commenced, under the late law, to organize military com- 
panies, since which time General Harney has issued his 
proclamation forbidding it, which changes the thing 
very much. I will say more : that I am as much opposed 
to Lincoln's policy as any man ought to be, but I am for 
obeying the powers that be. And now my proposition is 
this : I will exert my influence to prevent the raising 
of any secession, or organizing, or drilling, any military 
companies, or doing anything contrary to said proclama- 
tion ; and I ask you to do as much on the other hand ; 
that is, to stop, if you can, sending troops to this vicinity. 
* * * * All this I undertake to 

do individually, for I have no authority, civil or military. 
I hope to hear from you at your earliest convenience. 
Respectfully yours, 

JOHNSON B. CLARDY. 

St. Joseph, Mo., Sept. 6, 1861. 
We, the undersigned, of different political v.ews upon 
many of the engrossing questions of the day, desire to 
say, that at this time and for several days past there 
have been no Home Guards or Federal troops in St. 
Joseph, and law and order have been maintained as here- 
tofore. And it is said by men who claim to know the 



234 GEN. 

intentions of the Federal Government, that no more 
Federal troops will be stationed at St. Joseph. And we 
believe that the peace and good order of the community 
will be best preserved by relying upon the prudence of 
our own citizens and the civil authority of our State, 
pledging ourselves to use our utmost exertions to main- 
tain law and order in our community, and to protect the 
persons and property of all law-abiding citizens without 
reference to political opinions. And we would respect- 
fully ask all our fellow-citizens to co-operate with us in 
this matter. It is our earnest hope that the property 
of all corporations, be they railroad or others, will be 
respected. By pursuing this course it is obvious that 
there can be no necessity for stationing troops at this 
point for any purpose. Whatever the result may be, we 
have but one object in view, and that is the preservation 
of law and order in our midst, and that, in the absence 
of troops, we have no doubt but that peace and quiet 
will continue to prevail. 

(Signed) BEN. F. LOAN, and thirty others. 

THE EAST POURS IN ITS OFFERINGS. 

And now began to pour into the arsenal, from the 
loyal North and further East, contributions in aid of the 
noble spirits convened in the arsenal, under the command 
of the heroic Lyon. So pressing were the wants of the 
original four regiments, and so slender the means of the 
people of St. Louis to supply them, that stern necessity 
dictated an appeal to older and wealthier communities. 
This appeal went forth in a circular, which was directed 
to prominent citizens elsewhere, known for their gener- 
osity of nature and unswerving loyalty to freedom. The 
following is a copy of the circular* 

[APPEAL IN BEHALF OF THE MISSOURI VOLUNTEERS.] 

Fellow- Citizens in the Free /States — Placed on an 
advanced post of liberty in the present struggle for the 
maintenance of our Government, we have, in obedience 






AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 235 

to the call of our President, organized the four regiments 
of volunteers from Missouri. As citizens of a State 
whose first Executive is, as you well 7enow, opposed to the 
Government of the United States, we, as a matter of 
course, cannot expect support from him, or the State 
government, for furthering the purposes of our Federal 
Government. We are, therefore, compelled to appeal to 
the sympathies of our fellow-citizens in the free States, 
who have, with unprecedented unanimity, come to the 
support of our Government, for the necessary means of 
providing our first equipment. Many of our men are 
destitute of the means to purchase the necessary uniform, 
blankets, &c. Having no claim on our General Govern- 
ment until after three months' service, we appeal to the 
sympathy of our Union-loving fellow-citizens in the free 
States for the necessary assistance and support, fully 
satisfied that a part of that patriotic liberality so freely 
shown to their own volunteers will not be withheld 
from us. Anticipating such sympathy, we will strain 
every nerve to uphold the authority of our Federal 
Government, in this remote and important post of the 
great West, against treason and rebellion, in order that 
the wishes of the patriotic and Union-loving men of this 
country may soon be fulfilled, and that rebellion be 
forever crushed, and the cause of right and justice be 
triumphant over treason and secession. 

Gov. Gustavus Koerner, of Belleville, 111., has kindly 
consented to act for us as receiver and disburser ; and, 
without consultation, we feel at liberty to ask Isaac 
Sherman, Esq., and Sigismund Kaufmann, Esq., of the 
city of New York, Evans Rogers, Esq., of Philadelphia, 
and Judge Thomas Russell, of Boston, to act in our 
behalf in those cities. 

FRANK P. BLAIR, Col. 1st Regt. Missouri 
Volunteers. 

HENRY BOERNSTEIN, Col. 2d Regt. Mis- 
souri Volunteers 

F. SIGEL, Col. 3d Regt. Missouri Volunteers. 

NICHOLAS SCHUTTNER, Col. 4th Regt. 
Missouri Volunteers. 

St. Louis, Mo., May 6, 1861. 



236 GEN. 

Never was appeal so generously and promptly re- 
sponded to as was this of those sturdy sentinels " placed 
on the advanced post of liberty " in the tremendous 
struggle. Almost by return mail came the most 
encouraging letters from the patriots and philanthropists 
whose names were selected in the circular. 

Letters from young girls : 

" I have read your appeal, and I am going to send a 
2?ackage of my own sewing right away." 

From young boys : 

" I asked father to-day to give me a dollar for your 
soldiers, and he gave me five. Here it is. I only zoish I 
was a man, so I coidd earn money to send you more" 

From the mechanic : 

" Inclosed I send you a day's to or7c, all I can possibly 
spare ; but every little helps" 

From the rich man : 

" Colonel Blair, I inclose you a certified check for 
$500." 

From a poor woman : 

" This is the widow's mite — you are welcome to it." 

From the ladies of Dr. Chapin's church : 

" The accompanying box of clothing please accept; 
we shall send you more?' 

And so on from cities, and villages, and farms, scat- 
tered all over, from the Mississippi to the Penobscot. 

All these contributions were received by S. R. Filley 
and E. W. Fox, who were appointed by the Safety 
Committee to receive and distribute all articles con- 
tributed. The Safety Committee afterward appointed 
Joan Cavender, Esq., to examine the books of Messrs. 
Filley and Fox, and they were reported perfectly correct. 

LYON GIVES A GENTLE HINT TO THE CLERGY. 

Dr. II. A. Nelson, one of the very few loyal clergy- 
men of St. Louis, pastor of the First Presbyterian Church, 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 237 

sent a note to Captain Lyon on the 13th of May, request- 
ing the Captain to accept from him and wife some books 
and two quilts, which the Doctor forwarded with the 
note, as a contribution to the Union cause. In the note, 
the Doctor tendered thanks to Captain Lyon for his 
devotion to his country, and his eminent services. 

Captain Lyon returned by the bearer the following 
acknowledgment : 

" Captain Lyon tenders sentiments of profound grati- 
tude to Dr. Nelson, for devoted patriotism, and far com- 
plimentary kindness toward himself and members of his 
command, and regrets the necessity to deplore that the 
profession he much adorns is not always identified with 
faith and truth, but is, on the contrary, often used as a 
cloak, with which to war upon the most beneficent insti- 
tutions of mankind. 

St. Louis Arsenal, May 13, 1861." 

UNION STATE ORGANIZATIONS. 

Among the measures urgently demanded by Lyon was 
that one particularly which authorized the enrollment 
of Home Guards in the interior. This authority Colonel 
Blair, and his brother, Montgomery Blair, in the Cab- 
inet, after persistent solicitation, secured from Mr. Lin- 
coln ; and Lyon, immediately upon the removal of Har- 
ney, arranged for the organization of such bodies in 
various localities. By this authorization he hoped to 
include all the real Union men of the State in military 
corps, with a moral power to back them, which would 
increase their efficiency. Thus, under his immediate 
orders, the following organizations speedily sprang into 
existence. 

HOME GUARDS AUTHORIZED BY GENERAL LTON. 

NO. OF COMPANIES. 

Stone County Home Guards, Col. Asa G. Smith, 7 
Gasconade County Battalion, 6 

Greene and Christian counties, Home Guards, 13 



238 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

NO. OF COMPANIES. 

St. Charles CountyHome Guards, 12 

Webster do do 7 

Kansas City Home Guards, Colonel Van Horn. 

St. Joseph Home Guards, Major Peabody. 

Hannibal Home Guards. 

Dallas County Home Guards. 4 

Pacific Battalion (guarding Pacific R. R.) 

Scott County Battalion, Major Daniel Abbey, 4 

Lawrence County Battalion, 6 

Osage do do 6 

Cole Co. Home Guards, Col. Allen P. Richardson, ] 

Knox do do 

Benton do do 

Brookfield do Capt. Watson E. Crandall, 

Moniteau County do 

Potosi do do 

Stone Prairie do 

De Soto do 

Lexington do 

Pettis County do 

Gasconade do 2d Battalion. 

Ozark do Home Guards, 

Marion do do 

Shibley's Point do 

Pike County do Col. G. W. Anderson, 

Clinton do do 

Carondelet do (127 men). 

Pilot Knob do (99 men). 

Polk County do (318 men). 

Sappers and Miners do (Company A, 233 men). 

Franklin Co. Regt. do Col. James Owens. 

ORGANIZATION OP A UNION PARTY. 

While thus he was laying the foundation of the mili- 
tary strength of the State, General Lyon was not indif- 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 239 

ferent to its political tone. He was desirous of seeing 
all old party lines abolished, and a new party organized 
for the war. He entered ardently into the plans of the 
Safety Committee for organizing in the State a great 
Union party, whose only plank should be, "the union, 
now and forever ." He urged a total forgetfulness of all 
old party animosities, and the reward of men according 
to present service. This was the plan of the Safety 
Committee, and with that idea in view the following 
circular was prepared, lithographed, and, bearing the 
signature of Honorable Oliver D. Filley, was mailed to 
parties in every locality in the State. Occasionally one 
of these circulars fell into the hands of a secessionist, and 
the reply (if one was made) was generally couched in 
the most insulting and abusive language. But the great 
majority reached loyal hands, and the responses came in 
by every mail, bearing records of secession outrages and 
brutality. There was by this channel indisputable evi- 
dence that, while Harney was honorably observing his 
convention with Price, the secessionists were organizing, 
and active in the preparations for a powerful rebellion 
against the national ascendency at St. Louis. 

I give a copy of the Safety Committee's circular : 

St. Louis, May , 1861. 

My Dear Sir — The friends of the national Union, 
without regard to opinions which have heretofore divided 
the people into separate parties, are impressed with 
the paramount importance and imperative duty of form- 
ing at once throughout the State a great Union party, 
opposed to secession and rebellion, and devoted to the 
maintenance of that old Government under which our 
people have lived so long and so happily. 

To this end, a full and frequent correspondence 
between our friends throughout the State is essential. 
We should know our friends from our foes ; we should 
know what facilities and means exist for promoting our 
common object, and also what steps are being taken at 



240 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

any time to defeat our wishes. We are ready to com- 
municate without delay such information as you may 
desire, and specially request to be informed on the 
receipt of this, or as soon as you can furnish a satisfac- 
tory answer to the following inquiries : Has any organ- 
ization been made or attempted in your county or adjoin- 
ing counties, under the late Military bill of the Missouri 
Legislature ? If so, give the number of men, names 
of officers, number and kind of arms, kind of oath taken, 
and such other facts as you may deem material. 

Have any vigilance committees been formed ? If so, 
give names of officers, number of men, purposes of such 
committees, place of meeting, conduct, &c. Have any 
persons been ordered to leave their homes ? If so, state 
their names, where they have gone, when they went, for 
what cause ordered off, and by whom compelled to leave. 
Please give us your opinion of the extent of the Union 
sentiment of your county, and such other general inform- 
ation as may be valuable, and write us frequently. 

As regards the said Military bill, those who are fully 
competent to judge pronounce it unconstitutional and 
treasonable, and hence its requirements may be properly 
resisted, and ought to be resisted. 

We earnestly recommend a perfect organization of 
Union men as fast as possible — with arms, if to be had — if 
not, without them. In the agricultural districts, where 
population is sparse and organization difficult, we advise 
a complete enrollment of the Union men. By these 
means, our friends will learn their strength, and, should 
occasion require, can act effectually. This very enroll- 
ment will of itself deter opponents, and protect us 
against acts of oppression. Finally, we feel fully justified 
in predicting that our State ivill not, under any cir- 
cumstances, go out of the Union. We are fully convinced 
that our Government possesses the will, the power, and 
the means for effectually crushing treason wherever it 
exists ; that we shall soon become an undivided country, 
and that our country's enemies will be covered and 
overwhelmed with eternal disgrace. 

Any communication you may make shall, if you 
desire, be regarded and treated as perfectly confidential. 

O. D. FILLEY. 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 241 



GENERAL LYON'S FIRST REPORT. 

The following is Lyon's first report after receiving his 
appointment as a Brigadier-General : 

Arsenal, June 6, 1861. 
General Thomas: 

Sir — I have the honor to transmit by mail to-day : 

First — The brigade monthly return for the month of 
May, 1861, of the First Brigade of Missouri Volunteers, 
composed of First, Second, Third, Fourth, and Fifth 
regiments, a battalion of artillery, and a company of 
sappers and miners, and one company of rifles, unat- 
tached, all mustered into service for three months. 

Second. — A like return of the five regiments of United 
States Reserve Corps, forming a brigade under the com- 
mand of Captain T. W. Sweeney, Second Infantry, who 
has been elected and assigned to their command as Brig- 
adier-General. 

Third. — Monthly returns for the month of May, 1861, 
from the regiments and other corps above named ; some 
of these from necessity had to be made up before the 
end of the month. 

Fourth. — Muster-rolls of the brigade officers, First 
Brigade and United States Reserve Corps, and of the 
field and staff, and different companies of the latter. I 
am aware that these returns will be found imperfect in 
some respects. For instance, in some the number of men 
reported to be on '' extra or daily duty " is large, and 
they are not accounted for by name, as required. Men 
reported absent are not accounted for by name, but their 
absence was merely temporary, on leave for a few hours 
in most cases. In the face of the great danger which 
has threatened and now threatens the interest of the 
Government in this quarter, my time and attention have 
been occupied with organizing and providing for the 
volunteers, who came to its assistance in greater numbers 
than had been expected ; and I could not give my per- 
sonal supervision to the details of reports and returns, 
except to a limited extent; and as the various staff 
officers were taken from civil life, with no previous expe- 
11 



242 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

rience in the line of their respective duties, perfect accu- 
racy at the outset could not reasonably be looked for. 

I would take this occasion to remark that but for 
these volunteers the authority of the Government in 
this State, in my opinion, could not have been maintained. 
I will state, further, that they have submitted, with 
scarcely a murmur, to the hardships which my restricted 
accommodations, and limited supply of camp and garri- 
son equipage, and other necessaries, have compelled 
them to undergo. They have been, and are now, with- 
out proper barracks and hospital room, or an adequate 
supply of tents, blankets, knapsacks, haversacks, &c, 
necessary for their comfort, as well as of cartridge- 
boxes, cap-pouches, and other accoutrements required for 
their efficient equipment. Having received definite in- 
formation that cartridge-boxes, cap-pouches, bayonet 
scabbards, and belts cannot be furnished by the Govern- 
ment at present, I have ordered a quantity to be made 
at this place, thinking that the necessities of the case 
will justify the irregularity. These accoutrements can 
be furnished here complete, and fully equal to the 
Government standard, at the same price, or nearly the 
same, which is paid for them by Government in the East. 
The Assistant Quartermaster at St. Louis reports his ina- 
bility to pay for supplies which have been furnished. It 
is important for the good of the service, and in order to 
keep up the enthusiasm which is manifested by loyal 
citizens here in behalf of the cause, that means to make 
prompt payment of Government obligations should be 
furnished. It is proper in this connection to mention 
the indebtedness of myself and the Government to the 
numerous loyal citizens of this city, for their earnest and 
untiring zeal and industry in behalf of our country, and 
their bounteous contributions for its support. 

Besides the numerous individuals deserving special 
notice, I will mention Messrs. Franklin A. Dick, Chester 
Harding, Jr., Horace A. Conant,* Cary Gratz,t Samuel 
Simmons, and B. G. Farrar, who as members of my staff 
have devoted themselves with joint industry and intelli- 
gence to the duties which I have devolved upon them ; 
and in contributing immeasurably to my relief th^y 

-Died in the service, t Killed at Wilson's Creek. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 243 

deserve the thanks and gratitude of myself and our 
country. 

Yours truly, 

N. LYON, 
Brigadier- General Commanding. 

To General L. Thomas, Adjutant-General, Washington, 
D. 

INTERVIEW BETWEEN LYON AND JACKSON. 

Governor Jackson and General Price, learning that 
General Harney had been relieved, and that General 
Lyon was now in command, desired to learn the policy 
of the new authorities from Lyon himself, and therefore 
sought an interview with the latter. The truth is, they 
had been so successful in deceiving Harney that they 
felt quite confident of blinding the eyes of Lyon. They 
had underrated the latter, and felt confident of success 
if they could only be assured of safety while endeavor- 
ing to procure an audience. Lyon wanted just such an 
interview ; he wanted to tell those men exactly what he 
intended doing, and how far they could go in their work 
of treason; therefore, he granted the request of Jackson, 
and wrote out the necessary safeguard. 

Accordingly Jackson and Price visited St. Louis, and 
put up at the Planter's House. Upon notifying General 
Lyon of their arrival, that officer invited them to the 
arsenal, but they declined going to that (hateful) locality, 
and returned word that, as they had come all the way 
from Jefferson, General Lyon certainly ought to travel 
the distance between the arsenal and the Planter's 
House. General Lyon complied with the request of 
Jackson, and, accompanied by Colonel Blair and his own 
Aid-de-camp, Horace A. Conant, proceeded to the 
Planter's House, where the interview was held. Major 
Conant reported in full for the Missouri Democrat this 
important conference, and it was published with the 



244 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

approval of General Lyon. I find it in the Democrat of 
June 13, 1861, as follows: 

THE INTERVIEW BETWEEN LYON AND JACKSON-PRICE. 

Governor Jackson and General Sterling Price having, 
through T. T. Gantt and Judge William A. Hall, 
solicited an interview with General Lyon, and agreeing 
to come to St. Louis for such purpose, General Lyon, 
at the request of Mr. Gantt, signed the following paper, 
guaranteeing them from arrest on their journey to and 
from the city, and during their sojourn here up to the 
12th: 

Headquarters, Department or the West, ) 
St. Louis, June 8, 1861. \ 

It having been suggested that Governor Claiborne F. 
Jackson and ex Governor Sterling Price, are desirous of 
an interview with General Lyon, commanding this De- 
partment, for the purpose of effecting, if possible, a pacific 
solution of the domestic troubles of Missouri, it is 
hereby stipulated on the part of Brigadier-General N. 
Lyon, U. S. A., commanding this military department, 
that, should Governor Jackson or ex-Governor Price, or 
either of them, at any time prior to or on the 12th 
day of June, 1861, visit St. Louis for the purpose of such 
interview, they and each of them shall be free from 
molestation or arrest on account of any charges pending 
against them, or either of them, on the part of the 
United States, during their journey to St. Louis and 
their return from St. Louis to Jefferson City. 

Given under the hand of the General commanding, 
the day and year above written, 

N. LYON, 
Brigadier- General, Commanding. 
This being sent or presented to the parties to whom 
the passport was given, they left Jefferson City by spe- 
cial train and arrived as is already known. Yesterday 
morning General Lyon sent them an invitation to visit 
the arsenal, which they felt unwilling to accept, notwith- 
standing General Lyon offered them an escort. They, 
however, sent word to Thomas L. Price, Esq., that they 
thought, as they had come all the way from Jefferson 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 245 

City to see General Lyon, he should meet them at the 
Planter's House. This the General did not hesitate to 
do, as he desired to treat them courteously, and meet 
them in a spirit of peace, if they so desired, and only 
invited them to the arsenal because it was his headquar- 
ters, and being so occupied with necessary calls upon 
him felt loth to leave his important post for so long a 
time. He, however, as soon as was made known to him 
the wish of Governor Jackson, at once ordered his horse, 
and invited Colonel F. P. Blair, Jr., and Major Conant 
to accompany him. They went at once to the Planter's 
House, and were soon in company with Governor Jack- 
son, ex-Governor Sterling Price, and Thomas L. Snead, 
the latter private secretary to the Governor. The con- 
ference was of some four hours' duration, and the views 
of the parties were very freely given. Governor Jackson 
opened the conversation by making professions of peace, 
but soon put General Price forward as his mouth-piece, 
only now and then repeating his desire not to have any 
troops on either side : " The United States troops must 
leave the State and not enter it, and he would disband 
his own troops, and then we should certainly have peace." 
General Price went on at some length to justify his 
course as in perfect harmony with his understanding with 
General Harney, and that he had not violated one iota. 
When asked by General Lyon how his course was in con- 
cert with General Harney's second proclamation, in 
which General Harney denounced the Military bill as 
treasonable and unconstitutional, and when General Lyon 
said, " General Harney must have sadly changed, or the 
agreement not been lived up to," General Price made 
further remark that he had made no agreement whatever 
with General Harney about the enforcement or carrying 
out of the Military bill. At this moment a kind friend 
sent to General Lyon a copy of the following memoran- 
dum, which was sent from General Harney as the only 
basis upon which he would treat : 

MEMORANDUM TOR GENERAL PRICE. 

May 21, 1861. 
General Harney is here as a citizen of Missouri, with 
all his interests at stake in the preservation of the peace 
of the State. 



240 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

He earnestly wishes to do nothing to complicate mat- 
ters, and will do everything in his power, consistently 
with his instructions, to preserve peace and order. 

He is, however, compelled to recognize the existence 
of a rebellion in a portion of the United States, and in 
view of it he stands upon the proclamation of the Presi- 
dent itself, based upon the laws and Constitution of the 
United States. 

The proclamation commands the dispersion of all 
armed bodies hostile to the supreme law of the land. 

General Harney sees in the Missouri Military bill 
features which compel him to look upon such armed 
bodies as may be organized under its provisions as an- 
tagonistic to the United States, within the meaning of 
the proclamation, and calculated to precipitate a conflict 
between the State and the United States. 

He laments this tendency of things, and most cordi- 
ally and earnestly invites the co-operation of General 
Price to avert it. 

For this purpose General Harney respectfully asks 
General Price to review the features of the bill, in the 
spirit of law, warmed and elevated by that of humanity, 
and seek to discover some means by which its action 
may be suspended until some competent tribunal shall 
decide upon its character. 

The most material features of the bill calculated to 
bring about a conflict are, first, the oath required to be 
taken by the militia and State guards (an oath of allegi- 
ance to the State of Missouri without recognizing the 
existence of the Government of the United States) ; and, 
secondly, the express requirements by which troops 
within the State, not organized under the provisions of 
the military bill, are to be disarmed by the State guards. 

General Harney cannot be expected to wait a summons 
to surrender his arms by the State troops. 

From this statement of the case the true question be 
comes immediately visible and cannot be shut out of view. 

General Price is earnestly requested to consider this, 
and General Harney will be happy to confer with him 
on the subject whenever it may suit his convenience. 

N.B. — Read to General Price, in the presence of Major 
H. S. Turner, on the evening of the 21st of May. 






AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 247 

The confusion and mortification into which General 
Price was thrown by this paper made him an object of 
pity, and after a few moments of hesitation he said he 
did not remember hearing the paper read. He said Gen- 
eral Hitchcock and H. S. Turner were to see him, but he 
did not see or hear of such a paper. The conversation 
then became somewhat animated, Governor Jackson 
saying but little, and General Price insisting that no 
armed bodies of United States troops should pass 
through or be stationed in the State, as such would occa- 
sion civil war ; that Missouri must be neutral, and neither 
side should arm ; Governor Jackson to give protection to 
Union men and to disband his State troops. On the 
other hand, General Lyon laid down his views as a serv- 
ant of the Government, somewhat to this effect : That, 
if the Government withdrew its forces entirely, secret and 
subtle measures would be resorted to to provide arms 
and perfect organizations which, upon any pretext, could 
put forth a formidable opposition to the General Govern- 
men; and even without arming, combinations would 
doubtless form in certain localities, to oppress and drive 
out loyal citizens, to whom the Government was bound 
to give protection, but which it would be helpless to do, 
as also to repress such combinations, if its forces could 
not be sent into the State. A large aggressive force 
might be formed, and advanced from the exterior into 
the State, to assist it in carrying out the secession pro- 
gramme ; and the Government could not, under the lim- 
itation proposed, take posts on these borders to meet and 
repel such force. The Government could not shrink 
from its duties nor abdicate its corresponding rights ; 
and, in addition to the above, it was the duty of its civil 
officers to execute civil process, and in case of resistance 
to receive the support of military force. The proposi- 
tion of the Governor would at once overturn the Gov- 
ernment privileges and prerogatives, which he (General 
Lyon) had neither the wish nor the authority to do. In 
his opinion, if the Governor and the State authorities 
would earnestly set about to maintain the peace of the 
State, and declare their purposes to resist outrages upon 
loyal citizens of the Government, and repress insurrec- 
tions against it, and in case of violent combinations, 



248 

needing co-operation of the United States troops, they 
should call upon or accept such assistance, and in case 
of threatened invasion the Government troops took suit- 
able posts to meet it, the purposes of the Government 
would be subserved, and no infringement of the State 
rights or dignity committed. He would take good care, 
in such faithful co-operation of the State authorities to 
this end, that no individual should be injured in person 
or property, and that the utmost delicacy should be 
observed toward all peaceable persons concerned in 
these relations. 

Upon this basis, in General Lyon's opinion, could the 
rights of both the General and State Governments be 
secured and peace maintained. It was proposed by 
Governor Jackson that they should go into a corre- 
spondence, which General Lyon disapproved, as their 
views were widely apart, and such a course would not 
make matters any better; but he was willing each one 
should briefly put down his views and let them be 
published. To such a statement Governor Jackson was 
not disposed to agree. 

As General Lyon was about to take his leave, he said : 
"Governor Jackson, no man in the State of Missouri has 
been more ardently desirous of preserving peace than 
myself. Heretofore Missouri has only felt the fostering 
care of the Federal Government, which has raised her 
from the condition of a feeble French colony to that of 
an empire State. Now, however, from the failure on the 
part of the Chief Executive to comply with constitutional 
requirements, I fear she will be made to feel its power. 
Better, sir, far better, that the blood of every man, 
woman, and child of the State should flow than that she 
should successfully defy the Federal Government." 



PLIGHT OF THE TRAITOR GOVERNOR. 

At the close of the interview, Lyon, with Colonel 
Blair and Major Conant, withdrew, and returned to the 
arsenal; Jackson and Price hurried to the Pacific rail- 
road depot, and procuring a locomotive and tender, got 
up steam and pushed for Jefferson City, rushing the 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 249 

engine to its greatest capacity. On their way they only 
stopped long enough to wood and water the tender, and 
burn the Gasconade and Osage bridges. Arriving at 
Jefferson City, the Governor at once telegraphed to 
points west and southwest, calling upon his friends to 
arm, and did not seek any rest until he had sent to press 
the following proclamation : 



To the People of Missouri : 

A series of unprovoked and unparalleled outrages 
have been inflicted upon the peace and dignity of this 
Commonwealth, and upon the rights and liberties of its 
people? by wicked and unprincipled men, professing to 
act under the authority of the United States Government. 
The solemn enactments of your Legislature have been 
nullified ; your volunteer soldiers have been taken pris- 
oners ; your commerce with your sister States has been 
suspended ; your trade with your own fellow-citizens has 
been, and is, subjected to the harassing control of an 
armed soldiery ; peaceful citizens have been imprisoned 
without warrant of law; unoffending and defenseless 
men, women, and children have been ruthlessly shot 
down and murdered ; and other unbearable indignities 
have been heaped upon your State and yourselves. 

To all these outrages and indignities you have submit- 
ted with a patriotic forbearance, which has only encour- 
aged the perpetrators of these grievous wrongs to 
attempt still bolder and more daring usurpations. It has 
been my earnest endeavor, under all these embarrassing 
circumstances, to maintain the peace of the State, and to 
avert, if possible, from our borders the desolating effects 
of a civil war. With that object in view, I authorized 
Major-General Price, several weeks ago to arrange with 
General Harney, commanding the Federal forces in this 
State, the terms of an agreement by which the peace of 
the State might be preserved. They came, on the 21st 
of May, to an understanding, which was made public. 
The. State authorities have faithfully labored to carry out 
the terms of that agreement. The Federal Government, on 
11* 



250 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

the other hand, only manifested its strong disapproba- 
tion of it by the instant dismissal of the distinguished 
officer who, on his part, entered into it; but it at once 
began, and has unintermittingly carried out, a system of 
hostile operations, in utter contempt of that agreement, 
and the reckless disregard of its own plighted faith. 
These acts have latterly portended revolution and civil 
war so unmistakably that I resolved to make one fur- 
ther effort to avert these dangers from you. I, therefore, 
solicited an interview with Brigadier-General Lyon, com- 
manding the Federal army in Missouri. It was granted, 
and on the 10th instant, waiving all questions, personal 
and official, I went to St. Louis, accompanied by Major- 
General Price. 

We had an interview on the 11th instant with General 
Lyon and Colonel F. P. Blair, Jr., at which I submitted 
to them this proposition : That I would disband the State 
Guard, and break up its organization ; that I would dis- 
arm all the companies which had been armed by the 
State ; that I would pledge myself not to attempt to 
organize the militia under the Military bill ; that no 
arms or munitions of war should be brought into the 
State ; that I would protect all citizens equally in all 
their rights, regardless of their political opinions ; that I 
would repress all insurrectionary movements within the 
State ; that I would repel all attempts to invade it, from 
whatever quarter, and by whomsoever made ; and that 
I would thus maintain a strict neutrality in the present 
unhappy contest, and preserve the peace of the State. 
And I further proposed that I would, if necessary, invoke 
the assistance of the United States troops to carry out 
these pledges. All this I proposed to do upon condition 
that the Federal Government would undertake to disarm 
the Home Guards, which it has illegally organized and 
armed throughout the State, and pledge itself not to 
occupy with its troops any localities in the State not 
occupied by them at this time. Nothing but the most 
earnest desire to avert the horrors of civil war from our 
beloved State could have tempted me to propose these 
humiliating terms. They were rejected by the Federal 
officers. 

They demanded not only the disorganization and dis- 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 251 

arming of the State militia, and the nullification of the 
Military hill, hut they refused to disarm their own Home 
Guards ; and insisted that the Federal Government should 
enjoy an unrestricted right to move and station its 
troops throughout the State, Avhenever and wherever 
that might, in the opinion of its officers, be necessary, 
either for the protection of the " loyal subjects " of the 
Federal Government or for the repelling of invasion ; 
and they plainly announced that it was the intention of 
the administration to take military occupation, under 
these pretexts, of the whole State, and to reduce it, as 
avowed by General Lyon himself, to the " exact condi- 
tion of Maryland." The acceptance by me of these 
degrading terms would not only have sullied the honor 
of Missouri, but would have aroused the indignation of 
every brave citizen, and precipitated the very conflict 
which it has been my aim to prevent. We refused to 
accede to them, and the conference was broken up. 

Fellow-Citizexs — All our efforts toward conciliation 
have failed. We can hope nothing from the justice or 
moderation of the agents of the Federal Government in 
this State. They are energetically hastening the execu- 
tion of their bloody and revolutionary schemes for the 
inauguration of civil war in your midst ; for the military 
occupation of your State by armed bands of lawless in- 
vaders ; for the overthrow cf your State government ; 
and for the subversion of those liberties which that Gov- 
ernment has always sought to protect ; and they intend 
to exert their whole power to subjugate you, if possible, 
to the military despotism which has usurped the powers 
of the Federal Government. 

Now, therefore, I, 0. F. Jackson, Governor of the 
State of Missouri, do, in view of the foregoing facts, and 
by virtue of the powers vested in me by the Constitution 
and laws of this commonwealth, issue this, my procla- 
mation, calling the militia of the State, to the number of 
fifty thousand, into the active service of the State, for the 
purpose of repelling said invasion, and for the protection 
of the lives, liberty, and property of the citizens of this 
State. And I earnestly exhort all good citizens of Mis- 
souri to rally under the flag of their State, for the protec- 
tion of their endangered homes and firesides, and for the 



252 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

defense of their most sacred rights and dearest lib- 
erties. 

In issuing this proclamation, I hold it to be my solemn 
duty to remind you that Missouri is still one of the 
United States ; that the Executive Department of the 
State government does not arrogate to itself the power 
to disturb that relation; that that power has been 
wisely vested in a convention, which will, at the proper 
time, express your sovereign will ; and that, meanwhile, 
it is your duty to obey all constitutional requirements 
of the Federal Government. 

But it is equally my duty to advise you that your first 
allegiance is due to your own State, and that you are 
under no obligation whatever to obey the un-constitu- 
tional edicts of the military despotism which has en- 
throned itself at Washington, nor to submit to the infa- 
mous and degrading sway of its wicked minions in this 
State. No brave and true-hearted Missourian will obey 
one or submit to the other. Rise, then, and drive out 
ignominiously the invaders who have dared to desecrate 
the soil which your labors have made fruitful, and which 
is consecrated by your homes. 

Given under my hand, as Governor, and under 
the Great Seal of the State of Missouri, at Jeffer- 
son City, this twelfth day of June, 1861. 
By the Governor, 

CLAIBORNE F. JACKSON. 
B. F. Massey, 

Secretary of State. 

Almost one of the first to receive this document was 
General Lyon himself. He had determined upon a 
movement as far as Springfield when Harney was first 
relieved ; he had decided to push forward such a move- 
ment at once when he was informed Jackson and Price 
had so precipitately fled; but when he heard of the 
burning of the bridges on the Pacific road, and saw the 
proclamation of the traitor Governor, he determined to 
reach Jefferson with the greatest dispatch. At once 
issuing his orders for an immediate movement, he 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 253 

arranged affairs at the arsenal for the conduct of the 
public business in his absence. On the night before he 
started for Jefferson City, he had a long interview with 
Colonel Harding, his Assistant Adjutant-General, in 
which he stated to that officer his intention of author- 
izing him to sign his name during his absence to all 
orders that he might deem necessary in conducting the 
affairs of the department. Having placed in Colonel 
Harding's hands full control over the department out- 
side of his own column, General Lyon retired to rest, 
preparatory to his movement to Jefferson on the morrow. 

MOVEMENTS OP UNION TROOPS TO THE SOUTHWEST. 

And now all is activity at the several barracks, and 
troops are making haste for a forward movement. I 
transfer to these pages the reports published at the time 
of these movements in the Missouri Democrat. The fol- 
lowing is from the Democrat of May 14, 18G1 : 

" The first battalion of Colonel Sigel's regiment, the 
Third Missouri Volunteers, was ordered to get ready for 
instant march ; and the second battalion to prepare for 
an early movement on the morrow. The object was to 
protect the property and peace of the State from the 
wanton malice of the incendiary and demented Jackson. 
The camp was speedily broken up, and the companies in 
excellent marching order. The requisite steps were taken 
to secure an abundance of cars on the Pacific road ; and at 
11, P. M., the first battalion, Lieutenant-Colonel Hassen- 
deubel commanding, arrived at the Fourteenth street 
depot, and entered the train of some seven cars. A heavy 
amount of freight and several field-pieces were laden on 
freight cars. The train moved quietly off at about the 
hour named, the fact being known to very few people in 
the city. Colonel Hassendeubel had instructions to take 
possession of, and protect from injury, the line of South- 
west Branch road, and he will doubtless effect that laud- 
able purpose. At 9 o'clock last evening, the second bat- 
talion of the same regiment moved, with ba^scasje and 



254 

artillery, from the arsenal, and marched on Seventh 
street, Chouteau avenue, and Fourteenth street to the 
depot. Thence they proceeded prosperously by rail, to 
take possession of, and protect, the road to the Gasconade 
river. 

" The battalion which left at 9 o'clock last evening, 
commanded by Colonel Sigel in person, consisted of the 
remainder of his regiment, five companies of infantry, 
and two of riflemen. They had with them a siege how- 
itzer and a battery of six guns, in charge of Major Bis- 
choff, with a company of cavalry, sixty horses, and fifty 
men. Rifle companies A and B were commanded by Cap 
tains Albert and Conrad, and the infantry companies by- 
Captains Leis, Dunkel, Newman, Mannott, and Indert." 

GENERAL LYON IN PERSON MOVES UP THE MISSOURI 
RIVER. 

" There was a movement of Federal troops from the 
arsenal yesterday, on the steamers Iatan and J. C. Swon, 
the destination of which is not certainly known, but is 
supposed to be Jefferson City. At 11 o'clock, A.M., 
the left wing of First Regiment Missouri Volunteers, 
under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Andrews, and one 
section of Captain Totten's light battery, and two com- 
panies of regulars, commanded by Captain Lothrop, 
embarked on board the Iatan and started up the river. 
The right wing of the First, under command of Colonel 
Blair, and the other section of Captain Totten's battery, 
and a detachment of pioneers, and General Lyon and 
staif, left on board the J. C. Swon, at 2 o'clock, P.M. 
Horses, wagons, and all the necessary camp equipage, 
ammunition, and provisions for a long march accom- 
panied the expedition ; and the troops and officers, to the 
number of fifteen hundred, got off in good spirits and fine 
style, amid the wildest cheering and enthusiasm of the 
expedition and the garrison. This is the most important 
expedition which has started from here since the war, 
and upon its success depends, in a great measure, the 
destiny of Missouri. The failure to effect a satisfactory 
arrangement between General Lyon and Governor Jack- 
son, at their conference last Tuesday, has given rise to 
these stirring movements. The duplicity of the Gov- 






AND MISSOURI IX 1801. 255 

ernor and General Price was made apparent at the con- 
ference ; and the burning of the bridges on Pacific rail- 
road by order of the Governor, and his proclamation, 
show unmistakably the designs of his rebel Excellency 
to bring about a conflict of State and national authority ; 
and, further, that this expedition, designed, as it undoubt- 
edly is, to counteract the Governor's rebellious schemes, 
was not moved an hour too soon. We shall await with 
anxiety the result of this important movement ; and, if 
Ave are not mistaken in the mettle of the men command- 
ing this expedition, there will be no half-way work about 
it, but, at least, Federal authority in Missouri will be 
sustained to the extent of the power that is confided to 
our gallant leaders, Lyon and Blair." — [Missouri Demo- 
crat, May 15.] 

[From the Missouri Democrat, June 17, 1861.] 

" Private telegraphic advices received here last night, 
state that the detachment of Colonel Boernstein's regi- 
ment, which started up the Pacific railroad yesterday, 
arrived safely at Hermann at six o'clock last evening, 
and were there awaiting the arrival of the steamer 
* Louisiana,' in which to take passage and overtake the 
command of General Lyon. The ' J. C. Swon ' and 
' Iatan ' left Hermann, yesterday afternoon, for Jefferson 
City. All well on board, and the troops in high spirits." 

[Democrat, June 17, 1861.] 

"The Fifth Regiment Missouri Volunteers, Colonel 
Solomon commanding, left the arsenal at eleven o'clock, 
Saturday night, and went out on the Pacific railroad to 
proceed on the Southwest Branch. 

" Colonel Brown's regiment also went off on the Pa- 
cific train, accompanied by a corps of artillery with six 
field-pieces." 

[By telegraph.] 

Hermann, June 15, 1861. 

Colonel Harding — Send to Colonel Bates, at Keokuk, 

to come to Hannibal and junction of North Missouri 

railroad, and down to Renick, thence to Arrow Rock, 

where it is said a large party is gathering. Send about 



256 

twenty-five of the pioneer company, equipped for bridge- 
making. Ammunition can come with this party on the 
train. One-half of Blair's tents only to come, as troops 
out on Southwest Branch need the rest. Colonel Blair 
knows and assents to this. No more commissary stores 
at present. The rest of the equipage can come up. 

N. LYON, 
Commanding. 



[Special Correspondence of the Missouri Democrat.] 

Headquarters Department of the West, ) 
On - Board the Steamer J. C. Swon, \ 

June 13, 1861. 

We passed the mouth of the Missouri river shortly 
after four o'clock, and, although detained a few minutes 
in finding the channel, we were soon coming swim- 
mingly. About half-past five met the steamer W. H. 
Russell, well loaded with freight, but with few passen- 
gers. Some enthusiastic individual on her ventured 
upon what was intended as a cheer for Jeif Davis, but 
which sounded strikingly like the boy whistling through 
the graveyard to keep his courage up. 

At seven o'clock we passed the Iatan, which had been 
lying to, waiting for its companion. I had intended 
sending this from St. Charles, but it was deemed expe- 
dient not to stop there. We passed at 8.30, just above 
St. Charles, the steamers Isabella and Minnehaha, tied up 
on the right bank. 

June 14, 9, A.M. 
After I closed my letter last evening, I amused 
myself with distracting efforts to gain a little sleep. 
Unfavorable circumstances, however, for some time pre- 
vented those efforts from being crowned with success. 
The Swon, having left the Iatan considerably behind, 
tied up at Murphy's landing, about eleven o'clock, to 
await her arrival ; and a council of war was held, which 
resulted in a decision to remain there till dawn of day. 
At two, A.M., the steamer New Sam Gaty appeared, and 
was signaled to fall in the rear of the two steamers 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 257 

composing this expedition. A search for contraband 
goods failed to disclose anything worthy of mention. 
She brought the latest news in the shape of last evening's 
city papers. Very early this morning the boats started 
again up stream, the Swon soon leading and the Gaty in 
the rear. As we neared the pleasant village of Augusta 
the Stars and Stripes were seen " proudly floating," and 
some fifty or sixty citizens on the wharf sent up tremen- 
dous cheers. The joy they felt was plainly visible in 
every act. So may it be wherever we go ! 

A company of Home Guards were organized at 
Augusta last week, under command of B. E. Hoffman. 
They will give a good account of themselves. The 
steamer Mill Boy lay at the wharf as we passed, tak- 
ing on flour. 

All our troops are in good health and condition, and 
anxious to meet Claib Jackson and his bogus 50,000. We 
are just reaching Washington, and I must close to send 
this by a messenger, who returns by railroad from here. 
The populace greet our arrival with tremendous cheers, 
which, of course, are heartily responded to by the boys. 

Jefferson City, June 15. 

Jefferson City taken, and " nobody hurt." The steamer 
Iatan, with General Lyon, his company of regulars, Com- 
pany F, artillery, Captain Totten, and the left wing of 
Colonel Blair's regiment, under Lieutenant-Colonel 
Andrews, reached here a little before two o'clock, and 
met with an enthusiastic reception from the loyal citi- 
zens, headed by Thomas L. Price. 

General Lyon's company of regulars was the first to 
disembark, just below the penitentiary. They accom- 
plished this feat in good order, under Sergeant Hare, and 
went up the road fronting the penitentiary on the 
double quick, occupying the height on the opposite side, 
belonging to Alfred M. Lay, a secessionist. 

General Lyon and his staff followed his company ; next 
came the volunteers, in the following order, headed by 
Lieutenant-Colonel Andrews: Company G, Captain 
Cavender ; F, Captain Gratz ; E, Captain Cole ; D, Cap- 
tain Richardson ; C, Captain Stone. 

These marched in good order through the city, cheered 
at several points, and finally occupied Capitol Hill, 



258 

amidst tremendous applause. W. H. Lusk was the 
happy individual selected to raise again the Stars and 
Stripes over the cupola, which he did, the Jefferson band 
playing the " Star Spangled Banner." 

There were no secession demonstrations of any kind 
whatever. The J. C. Swon arrived just as the volun- 
teers were occupying the capitol. The demonstrations 
with which the troops were received were gratifying in 
the extreme. Old ladies wept, and every one seemed 
overjoyed at the sight once more of the old flag. 

Governor Jackson was at Boonville at 8 o'clock yes- 
terday, 14th instant. The Governor had a body-guard 
of one hundred and twenty men with him. The Gover- 
nor afterward left Boonville and moved toward Arkan- 
sas. 

ACCOUNT OF JACKSON'S RETURN" TO JEFFERSON. 
[Special Correspondence of the Missouri Democrat.] 

Jefferson City, Mo., June 13. 
About two o'clock on the morning of the 12th, the city 
was thrown into commotion by the rapid arrival of the 
cars from St. Louis. All was commotion ; all was excite- 
ment; all having known that Governor Jackson and 
General Price had gone to St. Louis to hold another 
conference with General Lyon. Immediately on stepping 
foot upon the depot platform, they cried out to the engi- 
neer in charge: "We want two passenger cars and en- 
gine." General Price proceeded, with his own hand, to 
cut the telegraph wires, but did it, I am told, very bun- 
glingly indeed, owing to the terror which always pos- 
sesses a traitor's hand when about to commit a deed of 
treason to his government, and plunge his people into 
the vortex of civil war, to gratify the hollow-hearted 
ambition of a few military office-holders, office-seekers, 
and rebels to the Government of the United States. The 
bungling confusion then commenced ; hasty messengers 
were sent in every direction ; Captain Kelly's command 
was soon on the ground, and orders issued through 
General M. M. Parsons to procure drills, crowbars, and 
powder, and make all possible speed in their work of 
destroying the Gasconade and Osage bridges. The im- 
plements of destruction being procured, they left in haste 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 259 

on their mission. They went first to the Gasconade 
bridge, and put seven kegs of powder under the turn- 
table, in order to blow up the draw, laid a slow-match or 
train of powder, and set it off; but the draw or turn- 
table being of open work, the powder exploded its power 
in the open air without removing a splinter from the 
bridge. This wicked attempt of destruction having 
failed, they applied the torch and burned the turn-table, 
consequently the draw fell into the river. They then 
returned and burned the first span of the Osage bridge, 
on the west side of the river, being the span burned 
before by the frightened fox " Jackson." During this 
time of suspense and excitement in the minds of the peo- 
ple, not knowing what had happened, Governor Jackson 
was preparing his treasonable declaration of war against 
the United States, doubtless agreed upon before this 
brace of traitors left here for St. Louis. It is said by 
many, both friends and foes, that their mission was not 
one of peace, but to complicate the already existing dif- 
ficulties. They went to your city with no view to pro- 
pose any terms that the United States officers could 
accept without virtually acknowledging the supremacy 
of State to Federal authority. * * * * 

UNION. 

[Special Correspondence of the Missouri Democrat.] 

On Board the Swon, \ 

Above Mouth of the Osage, June 15, 11, A. M. ) 
After leaving Hermann yesterday afternoon, our pro- 
gress was slow, the Swon having once or twice to dis- 
embark several hundred men to enable her to cross sand- 
bars. At half-past nine o'clock last evening, we met a 
skiff from Jefferson City, containing the United States 
mail, in charge of W. H. Lusk and a party of men. Mr. 
Lusk came aboard the Swon and will return to Jefferson 
City with us. He confirmed the reports previously 
received of the flight of the State officers in the direction 
of Boonville. They left Jefferson on Thursday evening 
on the White Cloud. Several wagons followed Friday 
morning. They also seized all the rolling stock of the 
Pacific railroad, and with balance of their force left for 
Tipton, burning bridges and destroying telegraph lines 
behind them. 



260 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON. 

Last night we laid up a few miles below St. Auberts. 
Got an early start this morning, and at nine o'clock went 
ashore five miles below the Osage to use the telegraph 
lines, while a few companies of men went up by the rail- 
road, crossing the Osage bridge, sliding down a plank 
from the draw to the wreck on the western span, which, 
at the time of burning, dropped from the first abutment 
from the bank, and now lies in the water. A party of 
railroad men were engaged in repairing the bridge. 
Many of the timbers, &c, can be used to a considerable 
extent. 

Captain Yates discovered a few kegs of powder in a 
commission house at Osage, and, suggesting to the agent 
that he could put it in a safer place, ordered it aboard the 
Swon. The same party had a few hundred pigs of lead 
taken from him by the secession troops who burned the 
bridge, but they failed to discover the powder. Captain 
Yates thinks he will be able to recover their plunder near 
Jefferson City, where it has been hid. Another party in 
a skiff was met near the Osage, but they bring nothing 
new of importance. We expect to reach Jefferson with- 
out any resistance whatever, and restore the flag of our 
Union to its place over the capitol of the State, and to 
shoot the first and every man who dares to attempt to 
haul it down. 

From the reports of the scouts and messengers from 
above, I gather that the State forces will endeavor to 
make a stand at or near Boonville, and, if this is a cor- 
rect inference, they are doomed to a certain destruction. 
Our forces are now so completely distributed that no 
loop-hole of escape is left to the fugitive Executive. 
With the hardy Kansas volunteers, accustomed to skir- 
mishing with the border ruffians on the one side of them, 
and our enthusiastic volunteers on the other, the seces- 
sionists will hardly be able to successfully resist. 

[later.] 
(Special Correspondence of the Missouri Democrat.) 

Cupola of the State House, ) 

Jefferson City, Mo., June 15, 3.30, P. M. ) 
Hot is a word which but faintly conveys an idea of 
the unpleasant sensation experienced by your correspond- 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 261 

ent while marching through the streets of the capital of 
the State with the Federal forces under command of 
General Lyon. After such a sensation, it is decidedly- 
pleasant to sit here, in the shade of the cupola, where 
cool breezes fan the heated brow, with the glorious 
emblem of our nationality again before the eyes of the 
citizens here, who have been strangers to its presence so 
long. The flag which has just been raised by William 
H. Lusk is the beautiful one presented in St. Louis to 
Captain Coles' company. Enthusiastic cheers greeted 
the appearance of the flag, the city band meanwhile 
playing a tune which delighted all hearts having still 
left a spark of loyalty within them. I have already 
telegraphed the points of our occupation of the city. 
Passing through the principal streets of the city, the five 
companies of Colonel Blair's regiment, under Lieutenant- 
Colonel Andrews, were frequently greeted with enliven- 
ing cheers and the display of Union flags from windows 
and doorways. Not a single appearance of the mob 
spirit was visible. Occasionally a wry face to be seen, 
but they were remarkably scarce, certainly as much so 
as they would have been in your own city under similar 
circumstances. 

Entering the capitol yard with a shout, they rapidly 
ascended the steps leading to the east door. Captain 
Cavender's company occupied the halls on the first floor ; 
Captain Gratz's company were stationed on the north 
side ; Captains Cole and Stone, with their companies, 
stacked arms on the east side and north of the steps ; 
and Captain Richardson south of the steps on the same 
side. They will probably be relieved by a portion of 
Boernstein's regiment upon their arrival this evening. 

Major Conant took the command of General Lyon's 
company, and made a thorough investigation of the 
State Penitentiary. Very little was found therein to 
reward the patience displayed in the undertaking. Eight 
cannon cartridges and parts of several carriages make 
the sum total of the contraband inside the walls, except, 
perhaps, a few of General Butler's bread-eaters. 

Captain Cole, already notorious for discovering seces- 
sion flags and printing Union newspapers on the enemy's 
type, also made a search in a few suspected houses, but 



262 GEN. 

this time found none of that kind of ladies, every one 
being strongly for the Union. A search in the basement of 
the State House displayed a fine supply of candles and 
plenty of good baskets — both very useful articles in a 
soldier's life. The Governor's palace was also to undergo 
a similar investigation. It would surprise some people 
if Governor Jackson should be discovered in any closet, 
a prisoner in his own house. 

General Lyon was honored this afternoon by a call 
from Mr. Simpson, publisher of the Examiner, who 
claims that his paper is by no means a secession publica- 
tion. Of course not. The St. Louis Journal could say 
the same thing with equal truth. 

Messengers have arrived, who left Boonville at an 
early hour this morning. They report they arrived there 
on the steamer Emilie, from Kansas City, about two 
o'clock yesterday afternoon, where their boat was 
stopped and guarded during the night. A skiff, how- 
ever, was discovered, and the parties made their escape 
about daybreak. They say there were, as near as they 
could learn, over a thousand troops there, with several 
cannon, with which they were endeavoring to fortify 
the place, and make a stand. This is highly gratifying 
intelligence, for the Governor has displayed so often such 
admirable tact in running that we are anxious to teach 
him a few other and more manly qualities, of which he 
is very deficient. The Mayor of Jefferson, Mr. Ewing, 
called on General Lyon to-day, to assure him of his 
earnest desire to preserve the peace ; and such cordial 
assurances of an intention to co-operate with the Federal 
forces for that purpose were given that no trouble need 
be apprehended here. 

" Our march is onward ! We hope soon to say : 
' We have met the enemy, and they are ours.' " 

B. 

[From the Missouri Democrat, June 17.] 

Companies I and E of Colonel Brown's regiment, under 
command of Major Shaw, Saturday morning, proceeded 
to St. Charles and vicinity, for the purpose of guarding 
bridges, and a general superintendence of the country. 
Last evening Major Shaw was recalled, and Captain W. 
C. Jones, of Company I, assumed command ; everything 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 263 

quiet. This morning they were joined by Colonel Kail- 
man's regiment, and went on an expedition still further 
up the North Missouri railroad. They proceeded to 
within two or three miles of Wentzville, where tney 
secured a notorious secessionist, John G Cook, at whose 
house they discovered and secured several pieces of fire- 
arms, some in the hands of the aforesaid Cook. Thence 
they went to Wentzville, and took complete possession of 
the town, searched the nouses of the citizens, and seized 
all contraband articles found, taking several prisoners, 
who were discharged on oath, except William M. Allen, 
railroad ticket agent, whom with aforesaid Cook they 
retained. Colonel Kallman's command proceeded up the 
road, Captain Jones in command of Companies I and E, 
Fourth Regiment, and Company F, Third Regiment, and 
a detachment from Company C, Second Regiment. With 
the prisoners and seizures in charge, returned to the 
city this evening at half-past nine o'clock. 

They took a secession flag at Wentzville. It was found 
hidden away in a hay-loft. 

[From the same.] 

Late on Saturday evening we received the following 
reliable and important information from St. Joseph : 

St. Joseph, June 15. 

Colonel Curtis arrived here at nine o'clock. He had 
considerable trouble on the way. Two of the traitors 
were killed. Two engines of the North Missouri rail- 
road were seized by the troops at Macon, to prevent 
their being destroyed. Colonel Curtis's force amounts 
to about three thousand men, who are now stationed 
along the line, and at St. Joseph, protecting the property 
and arresting the traitors. The rebels threaten a great 
deal, but have not effected anything yet. 

[From the same.] 

From the mail agent and passengers on the Saturday 
morning's train on the North Missouri railroad, we learn 
that two bridges were burned by the traitors on that 
road on Friday night and Saturday morning. These 
bridges were both located m the northern part of Boone 
county, at Centralia and Sturgeon stations, The party 



264 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

that burned the bridge at Sturgeon was in command of 
a Captain Hicks, who, it is said, lives in that vicinity. It 
is not known who fired the Centralia bridge. They are 
supposed to be a gang sent out from Jefferson City by 
the Governor. 

The Centralia bridge was partly cut, and not entirely 
burned, and can easily be repaired. That at Sturgeon is 
entirely destroyed. Other bridges below were threat- 
ened, but the scoundrels were arrested in their incendi- 
arism by the determined opposition of the country 
people, who are exceedingly indignant at the van- 
dalism. 

Thus, from every section of the State, active opera- 
tions are begun on both sides. Colonels Curtis, Palmer, 
Smith, and McNeil commence Federal operations on the 
north side of the Missouri river, directed in the main by 
General Hurlburt; they are afterward joined by Colonel 
Grant and others, and find additional leadership in Gen- 
eral Pope. The rebels in North Missouri resort to the 
"bushwhacking" mode of warfare, and are seldom met 
with in considerable force. They do not long maintain 
any appearance of military organization, and only do 
their work at points unoccupied by the Federal soldiery. 
The strength of the rebellion is on the south side of the 
river, and there is Lyon. 

LYON MADE SUBORDINATE. 

But let it not be supposed that the seed sown by Yeat- 
man, Gamble, and Turner was not productive of the most 
disastrous results in course of time. The minds of Gen- 
eral Scott and Edward Bates (Attorney-General) were 
so prejudiced against the "rash" and "impolitic" Lyon 
fc?iat they gave no rest to their labors until they had so 
far succeeded that, against the entreaties of the Repub- 
licans as represented through the Blairs, the Depart- 
ment of the West was added to the command of Gen- 
eral McClellan, at the time operating in Western Vir- 



AND MISSOURI IN 1S61. 265 

ginia. This movement was particularly unfortunate, and 
Colonel Blair lost no time in urging a restoration of 
Lyon to the supreme command in Missouri. But his 
arguments, presented to the President, were met by the 
stubborn opposition of both Scott and Bates. The fol- 
lowing extract from a letter written by F. P. Blair, Si\, 
to Colonel Blair, bearing date "Washington, June 18, 
1861," will explain the cause of the failure to secure the 
desired change : 

* * " Bates and Scott both unite in insisting that there 
shall be no change in the order assigning the military 
department to McClellan. Scott says : ' Brigadier-Gen- 
eral Lyon, under general instructions from Major-Gen- 
eral McClellan, can carry out such views in respect to 
Missouri as seem most advantageous — very much as if 
he were in charge of a separate department.' * * 

"F. P. BLAIR." 
And, indeed, on paper such an arrangement looked 
well enough. Lyon was not personally ambitious of 
the supreme command ; all he asked was that the cause 
of the Union should be served with vigor, ability, and 
effect. So the safety of the Republic were ensured, he 
was willing to sink into the subordinate. Upon receiv- 
ing intelligence of the new order, whereby Missouri was 
added to McClellan's command, he at once set about to 
give that officer an exact idea of his plans, and solicited 
his approval. His dispatch of June 20, from Boon- 
ville, displays the alacrity with which he recognized the 
change. On the 22d of June, he wrote in full to McClel- 
lan ; and that officer, by telegraph from Buckhannon, Va., 
under date of July 6, acknowledged the receipt of the 
letter and authorized Colonel Harding to " direct Gen- 
eral Pope, by telegraph, to place himself and his brigade 
at the disposal of General Lyon, for operations on the 
line of the Southwest Branch of the Pacific railroad." 
At other times other regiments were also ordered to 



266 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

join General Lyon ; but before any of them could obey 
the orders were countermanded, and the troops employed 
(or unemployed) elsewhere. 

MR. BATES URGED TO WITHDRAW HIS OPPOSITION TO 
LYON. 

Washington, June 19, 1861. 
Hon. Edward Bates : 

Dear Sir : At my solicitation Governor Chase yester- 
day called on General Scott in reference to relieving our 
friends in Missouri from the annoyance of being subjected 
to an officer whose attention must necessarily be, to a 
great extent, directed to another field of operations, 
showing him General McClellan's letter, in which he 
confesses that he does not understand the course of 
policy proper to be pursued in Missouri, and says that 
he is embarrassed in the matters in his more immediate 
charge by having Missouri added to his division. General 
Scott declined to detach Missouri from McClellan's 
division, on the ground of your objection to it. I con- 
jure you to withdraw that objection. Lyon is an older 
officer than McClellan. He has seen much more service 
in the field, and has, in his conduct of affairs in Missouri, 
exhibited good judgment as a commanding officer. There 
is, indeed, so fir as I can discover, no sufficient reason 
for subjecting his operations in Missouri to any imme- 
diate supervision. When the differences in Missouri 
shall have been disposed of, and it becomes necessary to 
combine the movements of the forces of the West upon 
the South — for which purpose alone I understood you to 
desire to have Missouri added to the Ohio division — it 
may then be restored to it. But while the operations 
are so distinct as at present, McClellan's attention being 
exclusively limited to almost one field, and Lyon's 
entirely to another, it is surely unnecessary to place 
the older officer under the younger. Hoping you will 
concede this to men who are your tried friends, and that 
you will not co-operate with those whose evident design 
is to embarrass them, to deprive them of the credit of 
their success, whilst subjecting them to all the discredit 
of defeat, if they meet it, 

I remain, yours truly, M. BLAIR. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 267 

The great difficulty under the new arrangement was 
the impossibility of any officer operating in Virginia to, 
at that time, appreciate the situation of affairs in Mis- 
souri. And until McClellan could be made to under- 
stand, Lyon could not expect to act. Influenced one 
day by the representations of General Prentiss, at Cairo, 
another by reports of secesh violence in North Missouri, 
and again by reports of rebel movements from Memphis, 
he moved regiments from point to point, or held them in 
reserve, as fancy might seem to dictate. In reply to a 
message from Colonel Harding, giving information of 
rebel movements, and asking for assistance, he announced 
his ignorance of the location of Stoddard county, and 
stated that he had no county map of Missouri. He was 
of no earthly use in the Union contest in the West, save 
to aid, unconsciously, in retarding the noble Lyon in his 
proper work. Conscious of the embarrassment under 
which he labored, himself advised a separation of the 
Missouri command from his own. Acting in Washing- 
ton as the friend of Lyon as well as of the Government, 
Judge Montgomery Blair urged the commission of Lyon 
as a Major-General, and his reinstatement to the com- 
mand of the Missouri Department ; but Mr. Lincoln was 
exceedingly embarrassed by the firm opposition of Bates 
and Scott. Impressed with the importance of speedy 
assistance being rendered to Lyon, Judge Blair, unable 
to secure McClellan's personal attendance in Missouri, 
and deeply anxious for the safety of the State, as well as 
of the troops concentrating at Springfield, respected the 
position of the President, and urged the appointment of 
Fremont, as an olive branch tendered the enemies of 
Lyon. Fremont was appointed. The command em- 
braced, with Illinois, all the States and Territories west 
of the Mississippi river to the Rocky Mountains, includ- 
ing New Mexico. 



268 

I copy from Montgomery Blair's testimony before the 
Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War : 

" As soon as he (Fremont) was appointed, I urged him 
to go to his department. I did so both on my own 
judgment and because the President expressed to me, 
every day he delayed, a growing solicitude for Lyon's com- 
mand. Fremont, however, after his appointment, went 
to the city of New York, and remained for some time ; I 
forget how long. It seemed to me a very long and most 
unaccountable delay. The President questioned me every 
day about his movements. I told him so often that 
Fremont was off, or was going next day, according to 
my information, that I felt mortified when allusion was 
made to it, and dreaded a reference to the subject. 
Finally, on the receipt of a dispatch from Lyon by my 
brother, describing the condition of his command, I felt 
justified in telegraphing General Fremont that he must 
go at once. But he remained until after Bull Run, and 
even then, when he should have known the inspiration 
that would give the rebels, he traveled leisurely to St. 
Louis. He stopped, as I learned, for the night, on the 
mountains, and passed the day at Columbus." 

CAPTURE OF BOONVILLE. 

The rapidity of movement with which Lyon now con- 
fuses the designs of the secessionists is bearing its legiti- 
mate fruit. The more malignant and active of the rebels 
are no longer secured from molestation by the very 
power they affected to despise and loudly ridiculed, and, 
forced to take sides, leave those whom their personal 
presence intimated if they did not influence, to submit to 
the authority of the national Government. Without 
waiting for the enemy to consummate his plans, gather 
his forces, and equip his army — without even consult- 
ing that antiquated collection of precedents and rules, 
tightly bound with red tape, " which every old fogy in 
the army is supposed to have committed to memory," 
this energetic soldier, without transportation, without a 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 269 

commissariat, and with inferior numbers, hastens to obey 
the President's proclamation, by speedily seeking and as 
speedily dispersing the armed bands engaged in the con- 
spiracy to destroy the Government. Informing Colonel 
Harding of his plans, and instructing him to use his 
judgment in the minor details of the campaign he is open- 
ing, he leaves Boernstein at Jefferson City, and pushes 
on with all haste to Boonville. He does not stop to 
count the number of rations on hand, or the disparity 
of numbers, that with some might justify delay. His 
desire is not so much to fight as to disperse, with the 
hope that prompt action might save many hundreds from 
being precipitated into a rebellion, which they ever after- 
ward (if they should survive) would consider with the 
liveliest regret. He believed, if he were to hurry Jackson 
to the Arkansas border, a fugitive without an army he 
could not only save thousands of persons from enlisting 
under the rebel banner, but could be the means of draw- 
ing them into the Union ranks, a blessing instead of a 
curse to their country. 

The following is a description of the advance on 
Boonville by an eye-witness : 

[Correspondence of the Missouri Democrat] 

Headquarters, Department of the West, ) 
Boonville, Mo., June It. j 

The steamers A. McDowell, Iatan, and City of Louis- 
iana, left Jefferson City yesterday afternoon, at two 
o'clock, and reached a point a mile below Providence 
last night, where it was thought best to lay up a few 
hours. Three companies of Boernstein's regiment, under 
his command, were left to protect the capital. We were 
cheered enthusiastically by the little town of Marion as 
we passed there yesterday evening. This morning we 
took an early start, and reached Rocheport before six 
o'clock, where we made a short stop, but found the 
people mostly surly and not disposed to be communica- 
tive. We learned, however, that the enemy were in 



270 GEN. 

considerable force a few miles below this place, and 
preparing to make a vigorous defense. Leaving there, 
and taking the steam ferry-boat, Paul Wilcox with us, we 
ran up steadily till Ave had passed the foot of the island, 
and at seven o'clock, A.M., disembarked on the south 
shore, where the bottom-land between the river and the 
bluifs is some mile and a half wide. No traitors were 
visible there, and the troops at once took the river road 
for this city. Following this road somewhat over a mile 
and a half to where it ascends the bluffs, several shots 
from our scouts announced the driving in of the enemy's 
pickets. 

We continued to ascend a gently undulating slope for 
nearly half a mile, when the enemy were reported in 
full force near the summit of the next swell of ground, 
about three hundred yards from our front. The enemy 
were exceedingly well posted, having every advantage 
in the selection of their ground; but, as you will see, it 
has been clearly demonstrated that one secessionist is 
hardly superior to many more than his equal number. 

Arriving at the brow of the ascent, Captain Totten 
opened the engagement by throwing a few nine-pounder 
explosives into their ranks, while the infantry filed 
oblique right and left, and commenced a terrific volley 
of musketry, which was for a short time well replied to, 
the balls flying thick and fast about our ears, and occa- 
sionally wounding a man on our side. The enemy were 
posted in a lane running toward the river from the road 
along which the grand army of the United States were 
advancing, and in a brick house on the northeast corner 
of the junction of the two roads. A couple of bombs 
were thrown through the east wall of that house, scatter- 
ing the enemy in all directions. The well-directed fire 
of the German infantry, Lieutenant-Colonel Schaeffer, on 
the right, and General Lyon's company of regulars and 
part of Colonel Blair's regiment on the left of the road, 
soon compelled the enemy to present an inglorious 
aspect. They clambered over the fence into a field of 
wheat, and again formed in line just on the brow of the 
hill. They then advanced some twenty steps to meet 
us, and for a short time the cannons were worked with 
great rapidity and effect. Just at this time the enemy 






AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 271 

opened a galling fire from a grove just on the left of our 
centre, and from a shed beyond and still further to the left. 
The skirmish now assumed the magnitude of a battle. 
The Commander, General Lyon, exhibited the most 
remarkable coolness, and preserved throughout that 
undisturbed presence of mind shown by him alike in the 
camp, in private life, and on the field of battle. " For- 
Avard on the extreme right " — " Give them another shot, 
Captain Totten," echoed above the roar of musketry, 
clear and distinct, from the lips of the General, who led 
the advancing column. Our force was 2,000 in all, but 
not over 500 participated at any one time in the battle. 
The enemy, as we have since been reliably informed, 
were over 4,000 strong, and yet twenty minutes from 
the time when the first gun was fired the rebels were in 
full retreat, and our troops occupying the ground on 
which they first stood in line. The consummate coward- 
ice displayed by the seceshers will be more fully under- 
stood when I add that the spurs or successive elevations 
now became more abrupt, steep, and rugged, the enemy 
being fully acquainted with their ground, and strong 
positions behind natural defenses, orchards and clumps 
of trees offering themselves every few yards. Nothing 
more, however, was seen of the flying fugitives until 
about one mile west of the house of Wm. M. Adams, 
where they were first posted. Just there was Camp 
Vest, and a considerable force seemed prepared to defend 
the approaches to it. Meanwhile, a shot from the iron 
howitzer on the McDowell announced to us that 
Voester, with his artillery-men, and Captain Richardson's 
company of infantry, who were left in charge of the 
boats, were commencing operations on the battery over 
a mile below Camp Vest. This but increased the 
panic among the invincible traitors ; and Captain Totten 
had but to give them a few rounds before their heels 
were again in requisition, and Captains Cole and Miller, 
at the head of their companies, entered and took posses- 
sion of the enemy's deserted breakfast-tables. 

About twenty horses had by this time arrived within 
our lines with vacant saddles, and the corps reportorial 
were successfully mounted on chosen steeds. The amount 
of plunder secured in Camp Vest, or Bacon, as the citizens 



272 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

here call it, from the name of the gentleman owning a 
fine house close by, was very large. One thousand two 
hundred shoes, twenty or thirty tents, quantities of 
ammunition, some fifty guns of various patterns, blankets, 
coats, carpet sacks, and two secession flags were included 
in the sum total. 

Leaving Captain Cole in command of the camp, we 
pushed on toward Boonville, chasing the cowardly 
wretches, who outmanned us two to one. The McDowell 
now came along up in the rear and off to the right from 
our troops, and having a more distant view of the enemy, 
from the river, and observing their intention of making 
another stand at the Fair grounds, one mile east of here, 
where the State has an armory extemporized, Captain 
Voester again sent them his compliments from the old 
howitzer's mouth, which, with a couple of shots from 
Captain Totten and a volley from Lothrop's detachment 
of rifles, scattered the now thoroughly alarmed enemy in 
all directions. Their flight through the village com- 
menced soon after eight o'clock and continued until after 
eleven. Some three hundred crossed the river, many 
went south, but the bulk kept on westwardly. A good 
many persons were taken at the different points of battle, 
but it is believed the enemy secured none of ours. 

Captain Richardson had landed below, and, with the 
support of the howitzer from the steamer McDowell, cap- 
tured their battery, consisting of two six-pounders (with 
which they intended to sink our fleet), twenty prisoners, 
one caisson, and eight horses with military saddles. The 
enemy did not fire a shot from their cannon. 

After passing the Fair grounds, our troops came 
slowly toward town. They were met on the east side 
of the creek by Judge Miller, of the District Court, and 
other prominent citizens, bearing a flag of truce, in order 
to assure our troops of friendly feelings sustained by 
three-fourths of the inhabitants, and, if possible, prevent 
the shedding of innocent blood. They were met cordi- 
ally by General Lyon and Colonel Blair, who promised, 
if no resistance was made to their entrance, that no harm 
need be feared. Major O'Brien soon joined the party 
from the city, and formally surrendered it to the Federal 
forces. The troops then advanced, headed by the Major 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 273 

.and General Lyon, and were met at the principal street 
by a party bearing and waving that beautiful emblem 
under which our armies gather and inarch forth, con- 
quering and to conquer. The flag party cheered the 
troops, who lustily returned the compliment. American 
flags are now quite thick on the street, and secessionists 
are nowhere* 

As usual, the traitors had destroyed the telegraphic 
communication with the East, and I have, therefore, 
been unable to transmit the news of our victory. 

The gallant bearing of our men is the subject of con- 
stant remark and praise from the officers, while Colonel 
Blair, Lieutenant-Colonel Andrews, Adjutant Hescock, 
Major Conant, and many other officers won golden 
opinions from the soldiers for their fearless and determ- 
ined behavior. 

There were two men killed on our side. 
[ Special to the Missouri Democrat.] 

Jefferson City, June 18. 

Mr. Gordon, from St. Louis, and other gentlemen, who 
arrived to-day from above, give the following version of 
the battle at Boonville : 

General Lyon landed his troops four miles below 
Boonville, and opened a heavy cannonade against the 
rebel army, who could not long stand the fire, but re- 
treated and took up a position in an adjacent wood, 
from where, hidden behind the bushes and trees, they 
opened a heavy skirmishing fire on our troops. 

General Lyon then ordered a hasty retreat to the 
boats, and the rebels, encouraged by this movement, 
rallied in line of battle, and followed the troops into an 
open wheat field. 

General Lyon now halted his troops, faced them about, 
and, bringing his whole artillery in front, opened a mur- 
derous fire on the rebels. Three hundred of them were 
killed. 

Seeing that there was no possibility of escaping, they 
threw away their arms and ran in all directions, and 
General Lyon took possession of Boonville. General 
Sterling Price fell sick at the beginning of the battle, 
with a violent diarrhea, and was brought on board a 
steamboat, which carried him to Chariton, his home. 
12* 



274 GEN. 

Ex-Governor C. F. Jackson assisted as a spectator on 
a hill two miles from the field of battle, but seeing what 
happened he took a hasty retreat to parts unknown. So 
soon as the telegraphic lines from Boonville to Syracuse 
shall be re-established, I will send you more particulars. 

It is reported that ex-Governor Jackson escaped at 
the beginning of the battle, and is still running as fast 
as possible. The balance of his men dispersed in all 
directions. 

PROCLAMATION BY GENERAL LYON. 

The day after the surrender of Boonville, General Lyon 
issued the following proclamation : 

To the People of Missouri : 

Upon leaving the city of St. Louis, in consequence 
of the declaration of war made by the Governor of this 
State against the Government of the United States, 
because I would not assume in its behalf to relinquish 
its duties and abdicate its rights of protecting loyal citi- 
zens from the oppression and cruelties of secessionists in 
this State, I published an address to the people, in which 
I declared my intention to use the force under my com- 
mand for no other purpose than the maintenance of the 
authority of the General Government, and the protection 
of the rights and property of all law-abiding citizens. 
The State authorities, in violation of an agreement with 
General Harney, on the 21st of May last, had drawn 
together and organized upon a large scale the means of 
warfare, and, having made declaration of war, they 
abandoned the capital, issued orders for the destruction 
of the railroad and telegraph lines, and proceeded to this 
point to put in execution their purposes toward the 
General Government. This devolved upon me # the 
necessity of meeting this issue to the best of my ability, 
and accordingly I moved to this point with a portion of 
the force under my command, attacked and dispersed 
hostile forces gathered here by the Governor, and took 
possession of the camp equipage left and a considerable 
number of prisoners, most of them young and of immature 
age, who represent that they have been misled by frauds 






AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 275 

ingeniously devised and industriously circulated by 
designing leaders, who seek to devolve upon unreflecting 
and deluded followers the task of securing the object of 
their own false ambition. Out of compassion for these 
misguided youths, and to correct impressions created by 
unscrupulous calumniators, I have liberated them, upon 
condition that they will not serve in the impending hos- 
tilities against the United States Government. I have 
done this in spite of the known facts that the leaders in 
the present rebellion, having long experienced the mild- 
ness of the General Government, still feel confident that 
this mildness cannot be overtaxed even by factious hos- 
tilities having in view its overthrow ; but if, as in the 
case of the late Camp Jackson affair, this clemency shall 
still be misconstrued, it is proper to give warning that 
the Government cannot be always expected to indulge it 
to the compromise of its evident welfare. 

Having learned that those plotting against the Gov- 
ernment have falsely represented that the Government 
troops intended a forcible and violent invasion of Mis- 
souri for the purposes of military despotism and tyranny, 
I hereby give notice to the people of this State that I 
shall scrupulously avoid all interferences with the busi- 
ness, rights, and property of every description recog- 
nized by the laws of this State, and belonging to law- 
abiding citizens ; but that it is equally my duty to main- 
tain the paramount authority of the United States with 
such force as I have at my command, which will be 
retained only so long as opposition shall make it neces- 
sary ; and that it is my wish, and shall be my purpose, 
to devolve any unavoidable rigor arising in this issue 
upon those only who provoke it. 

All persons who, under the misapprehensions above- 
mentioned, have taken up arms, or who are now prepar- 
ing to do so, are invited to return to their homes, and 
relinquish their hostile attitude to the General Govern- 
ment, and are assured that they may do so without being 
molested for past occurrences. 

N. LYON, 
Brigadier- General U. S. Vols., Coirtg. 

Boonville, Mo., June 18, 1861. 



276 gen. 

general lyon at boonville. 

Boonville, Mo., June 18, 1861. 
Dear Harding — You have heard of us, and our leav- 
ing Jefferson City on the 16th. We debarked the next 
morning a little above Rocheport, and had not proceeded 
more than two miles before we met their advanced pick- 
ets, and soon after their whole force. At first, the seces- 
sionists made a weak effort, which, doubtless, was 
intended to lead us on to their stronghold, where they 
held on with considerable resolution, and gave us a check 
for a short time and made some havoc. On moving for- 
ward, however, a straggling fire from the right and left 
made it necessary to move on with caution and slowness, 
and we reached the city about two o'clock, P.M., where 
we were met by many people, under consternation from 
the erroneous impression that great violence would be 
perpetrated upon persons and property. I have been en- 
gaged more or less in removing this impression. I regret 
much that my proclamation was not published promptly, 
so that I could have had it here for distribution. I get 
no news of what is going on around us, but much fear 
the movement from Texas, and hope the subject will en- 
gage the attention of the General Government. Keep 
McClellan advised upon the matter. I had hoped some 
of our Iowa troops would have been in this region by 
this time, but hear nothing from them. My suspense just 
now is painful. 

Yours truly, 

n. lyon: 

Col. Chester Harding, Jr., St. Louis Arsenal. 

Boon ville, Mo., June 20, 1861. 

General McClellan — I have notice that Missouri is 
assigned to your command. This Boonville is an import- 
ant point, and should have at least a whole regiment, 
with an advance post at Warsaw, which is a nest of rebels, 
who, at Camp Cole, massacred Union men. I would 
have you send a regiment here, with a large supply of 
stores. The Second Missouri Volunteer Regiment will 
concentrate at Jefferson City. 

N. LYON. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 277 

[By Telegraph.] 

Boonville, June 24, 1861. 
Colonel Harding, A. G. — Hope to get off on the 26th. 
Think provisions now coming up will be enough for 
some time. About four companies more should be here. 
A force can go to Cape Girardeau ; but an expedition to 
Pocahontas should be made with care. It might be cut off 

K LYON, 

Commanding. 

Boonville, June 26, 1861. 
Colonel Harding — The interests of the Government 
require that no boats ply along the river between this 
and Kansas City for the present, and you will notify the 
Collector that no boats will be allowed to pass above 
here until further orders. Much confusion attends my 
train arrangements and delay is unavoidable. Shall try 
to get off to-morrow, but am not certain. I want 
Colonel Stevenson to come here and take command with 
some of his companies. Schofield arrived this after- 
noon. 

K LYON, 

Commanding. 

Boonville, June 27, 1861. 
Colonel Harding— Colonel Stiefel's command and 
four companies of the Seventh Regiment arrived. Pro- 
visions wanted. Send at once to Hermann, by first train, 
four hundred barrels of hard bread, nine bushels of 
beans, three thousand three hundred and fifty pounds of 
rice, two thousand pounds of sugar, and six hundred 
pounds of coffee. The rains are terrible. I cannot get 
off. Steamer goes down to Hermann to meet provisions. 
Answer. 

N. LYON", 

Commanding. 

Boonville, July 1, 1861. 
Colonel Harding — What is going on in the south- 
east ? You sent me word that McClellan would attend 
to that quarter. He says I may have one regiment from 



27S GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

Quincey and one from Casey ville ; and Prentiss is author- 
ized to send for four more regiments, if he wants them. 
Cannot all these be put in motion to meet the danger 
threatened ? See what Prentiss says, and send word to 
McClellan. 

N\ LYOK, 

Commanding. 

Headquarters, Camp Cameron, ) 
Boonville, June 29, 1861. j 
Special Order No. 1. 

Colonel John D. Stevenson, Seventh Regiment Mis- 
souri Volunteers, is assigned to the command of the Mis- 
souri river from Kansas City to its mouth, and the 
adjacent country. His headquarters will be at this 
place. 

Colonel Stevenson will move as soon as practicable, 
with that portion of his regiment now armed, to posts 
assigned, leaving the remainder to join him as soon as 
it shall be in proper condition. 

He will establish and maintain at Lexington, Boon- 
ville, and Jefferson City, posts of sufficient strength to 
hold possession of those places, and furnish detachments 
for operations into the surrounding counties. 

He will keep two armed boats, patroling between 
Hermann and Kansas City, one above and one below 
Boonville, exercising a strict surveillance over ferry- 
boats and others navigating the river, and prevent their 
being used in transporting hostile troops, or in other ille- 
gitimate traffic ; and if, in his opinion, it shall be neces- 
sary for the accomplishment of the above purpose, he 
will seize and keep possession of such boats. 

The armed boats will make frequent landings, and 
send parties to scour the surrounding country, gather 
information of the formation of hostile parties, and break 
them up, concerting measures, if necessary, with the 
adjoining post for this purpose, and give effectual pro- 
tection to the loyal citizens. Boats passing up and 
down the river will habitually be required to go in com- 
pany with the armed boats. 

Colonel Stevenson will detail intelligent and trust- 
worthy officers to attend to the transportation, preser- 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 279 

vation, and issue of supplies for the troops under his 
command, and will give as much as possible of his per- 
sonal attention to the matter, to the end that the strict- 
est economy may be enforced, and the comfort and effi- 
ciency of the troops secured. 

The proper garrison for each post will be about six 
companies, and the force for each boat, two companies. 

Each post should have at least one field-piece, and 
each boat a twenty-four- pounder howitzer. 

Colonel Chester Harding will designate the troops 
necessary, in addition to Colonel Stevenson's regiment, 
to carry into execution this order. 

As soon as Colonel Stevenson shall be prepared to gar- 
rison the posts specified above, Colonel Henry Boern- 
stein will proceed with his regiment to St. Louis, and take 
post at the arsenal or at Jeiferson Barracks, as may be 
determined by Colonel Harding, when the regiment 
will have an opportunity to reorganize for three years' 
service. 

By order of General Lyon, 

J. M. SCHOFIELD, A. A. G. 

Boonville, July 2, 1861. 
Colonel Harding — I hope to move to-morrow, and 
think it more important just now to go to Springfield. 
My force in moving from here will be about twenty-four 
hundred men. Major Sturgis will have about twenty- 
two hundred men, and you know what force has gone to 
Springfield from St. Louis, so that you see what amount 
of provisions we shall want supplied at that point. 
Please attend to us as effectually as possible. Our line 
should be kept open by all means. I must be governed 
by circumstances at Springfield. You will, of course, 
have due attention to the Southeast. The State Journal 
is outrageous and must be stopped , you will take such 
measures as you think best to effect this. Our cause is 
suffering from too much indulgence, and you must so 
advise our friends in St. Louis. Colonel Stevenson must 
have pretty strong garrisons at the points he occupies on 
the river, and he must have support from other States, 
as the occasion seems to require. Colonel Curtis is, I 
suppose, on the Hannibal and St. Joseph railroad ; rig- 



280 GEN. 

orous measures sliould be shown the disorderly in that 
region. Our operations are becoming extensive, and 
our staff officers must keep up with our emergencies. 
We need here a regular quartermaster and commissary. 
Cannot something be done for us from Washington ? 

Yours truly, 

N. LYON, 

Commanding. 
P. S. — I cannot spare more than three hundred stand of 
arms for Home Guards at Jefferson. I shall not be able 
to supply other portions of the State with the same pro- 
portion. N. L. 

Headquarters Missouri Volunteers, ) 
Camp Cameron, July 2, 1861. ) 

General Orders JVb. 4. 

The following troops, under command of Brigadier- 
General N. Lyon, will take up the line of march for the 
South at seven o'clock, A. M., to-morrow, viz. : 



Brigadier-General and Staff .... 
Company B, Second Infantry . . . . 
Company F, Second Artillery . . . 
Recruits, United States Army . . . , 
First Regiment Missouri Volunteers . 
Two companies Second Regt. Mo. Vols. 

Pioneer Detachment 

Artillery 

First Regiment Iowa Volunteers . . 



OFFICERS. 


MEX. 


4 


. . 


. . 


61 


1 


60 


1 


134 


29 


866 


6 


205 


1 


46 


] 


13, 


34 


892 



77 2,277 



The following troops will remain for the present at 
this place: 

Second Regiment Missouri Vols. 
Seventh do do do 

Fifth Regt. Mo. " Reserve Corps " 



Total . . 
Left behind sick 



COMPANIES. 


OFFICERS. 


MEX. 


4 


10 


381 


4 


13 


349 


8 


30 


558 


16 


53 


1,288 
44 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 281 

The troops which take the field under General Lyon 
will be joined by a force of two thousand two hundred 
regulars and Kansas volunteers, under command of 
Major Sturgis, United States Army, at Osceola, Missouri. 
The united command will then proceed toward Spring- 
field, Missouri. Colonel Chester Harding, Adjutant- 
General Missouri Volunteers, will forward to Springfield 
the commissary supplies necessary for this command, in 
addition to that already in the field in that portion of 
the State. ****** 

By order of General Lyon. 

J. M. SCHOFIELD, A. A. G. 

[Missouri Democrat, July 6, 1801.] 

Boonville, July 2, 1861. 
The " Louisiana " arrived from Jefferson City, bring- 
ing six companies of the Fifth Reserve Corps, under 
Lieutenant-Colonel White, and a quantity of provisions, 
arms, and ammunition. * * * The following order 
is published: 

Headquarters Missouri Volunteers, ) 
Boonville, Mo., July 1, 1861. ) 
Special Orders No. 2. 

The present emergencies of public affairs require of all 
loyal persons the utmost prudence and moderation, in 
order to secure their own individual welfare, and that of 
their country, and avoid by all possible means, the 
unhappy consequences of indiscretion. By such means 
only can the unavoidable hardships of a toilsome cam- 
paign be endured with patience and cheerfulness. The 
readiness with which the troops of this command have 
responded to the call of their country in its present dan- 
gers, their zealous devotion to its cause, and patient 
endurance of privations thus far give an encouraging 
hope of much satisfaction upon these points, on occa- 
sions of more severe hardships than those heretofore 
incurred in our late movements. With a view to these 
objects the following rules will be observed : 

[Note— The rules laid down are taken from Army Regulations.] 

N". LYON, 
Brigadier- General, Commanding. 



282 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

The lack of Colonel Blair's energetic spirit has been 
apparent in every attempt at progress since he left for 
Washington. In the absence of Colonel Blair, the Gen- 
eral lacks a strong right hand. The adroitness and facil- 
ity with which he grasped the State , then madly reeling 
under secession influences, and pinned the Star with 
increasing firmness to the Constellation of the Union, 
will in due time cause grateful recollections to spring up 
in the breast of every honest, loyal citizen. Turn which 
way we will, we can find no one who contributed more 
successfully to this great object than Colonel Blair.* 

* [From the Missouri Democrat, June 26, 1861.] 

F. P. BLAIR, JR. 

Colonel Blair left this city on Monday last for the East. The situation of 
things in Missouri at the moment not calling for his presence at the head of 
his regiment, he has departed for the East, to render a more valuable service to 
Missouri and to the whole country. The time that must elapse between this 
and the Fourth of July, on which day Congress will meet, is short enough for 
the duties he has undertaken to discharge before he will be required to 
resume his seat in the House of Kepresentatives. 

That he will do " well and quickly " what is in his hands to do none can 
doubt. From the moment that Colonel Blair entered on public life, he has had 
this confidence from his friends. From that moment he has commanded this 
respect from his opponents. Boy or man, all have conceded to Frank Blair 
the will and the ability to meet the responsibilities of every occasion in which 
it has been his duty to act. With the expansive vigor of a superior intellect, 
he has developed new powers in every crisis, and risen equal to the demands 
of every emergency. To-day he fills a higher place in the popular estimation 
than he has ever filled. He has left Missouri with a greater reputation, a more 
extended influence, and larger capabilities for good, than she has yet enjoyed. 
It is but just to Colonel Blair to record that,on his return to this city in April last, 
his talents were subjected to a most severe and trying experiment. The grand 
object before him, at that time, was to arrest the State of Missouri, then trem- 
bling on the verge of revolution, and bind her fast to the Union. The means 
by which thisgreat and patriotic end was to be accomplished were of the most 
difficult and delicate nature. They consisted in the organizing and arming in 
this city of a military force sufficient to protect its loyal inhabitants against 
armed bands of secessionists, already organized and officered and drilled, and 
backed up by a traitorous State government, and a city government, which, if 
not traitorous in fact, was hostile to the Union and sympathizing strongly with 
secession. Who does not remember the haughty bearing of the secessionists 
at that time (so chopfallen withal and humbled now) ? Our Commissioners 
of Police had discovered that Captain (now General) Lyon, who had only some 
two hundred men in the arsenal, had no authority to bring his men outside its 
walls. They had procured the opinion of a certain traitor lawyer that to do so 
was unconstitutional. They had posted sentinels around the arsenal to spy out 
the movements there, and bring into contempt the national flag, and put under 
the law of a rebel city police the men who bore it. Brigadier-General Frost 
(who has since melted quite away) had announced his purpose to plant batteries 
on the high grounds commanding the arsenal, and General Harney had decided 
that it would not be '■"prudent " in Lyon to take any step to prevent it, and that 
no such attempt should be made. St. Louis trembled and cowered beneath the 
overwhelming power of secession. 

The difficulty of organizing such a military force as Blair desired was three- 
fold. There was difficulty in overcoming the fears of the rank and file of the 
Un'on men, who knew their motions were watched by a sharp and hostile 
police. There was danger that the first small body of Union men who might 
initiate the work would be set upon and cut to pieces by the "minute-men," 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 283 



ING OF THE CAMPAIGN BY LYON. 

St. Louis Arsenal, July 7, 1861. 
To General L. Thomas, Adjutant- General, Washington 
City : 
Sir — At the suggestion of General Lyon, I write to 
inform you of the movements of troops in this State. 
Three columns are in the field, with the design to unite 
at or near Springfield, Missouri, and then to proceed 
into Arkansas. General Lyon's intention was to go to 
Little Rock, but movements of the enemy in the south- 
eastern portion of the State may change his plans. Be- 
sides garrisoning Jefferson City, Boonville, and Lexing- 
ton, General Lyon has marched southward with twenty- 

who had garrisoned and fortified with cannon the building on the corner of 
Fifth and Pine, or by Frost's brigade, who were at that time quartered in the 
city. 

But another most imposing difliculty to be overcome lay in the hesitation 
and timidity of many men ot influence among the Union men themselves. It 
was dangerous, said these, to organize ; it was rash to arm ; it would excite 
secessionists, provoke attack, draw down upon us the city police, and lead to 
bloodshed. But all these difficulties were surmounted ; it was in the genius of 
Colonel Blair to overcome them all. He moved right on. His quiet, steady, 
and unpretending courage inspirited the faltering Union men. His discretion 
and celerity of action overreached both the police and the minute-men. The 
organization was perfected with so much secrecy and dispatch that an army 
seemed to have been created in an hour. It was in this way that Colonel 
Blair held up and sustained the Union men with one hand, while with the 
other he smote and discomfited the secessionists. 

The rest is known. The capture of Camp Jackson, that nucleus of the 
secession army, which was to take Missouri out of the Union, the most gal- 
lant feat in the history of the war, was but one of the results of the wisdom 
we have been attempting to portray. 

The battle of Boonville, another brilliant feat of arms, whose splendors 
have covered our little army as with a mantle, might have been won by any 
officer with less than a tithe of the credit for talents which rightfully belong to 
Colonel Blair. These victories were won, in fact, last winter and spring, when 
Frank Blair, and the friends who followed after him in their self-denying work 
of patriotism, threaded the streets and alleys of St. Louis by night, and met 
with secrecy in halls and garrets, and collected, and officered, and drilled, and 
formed, and molded into shape by slow degrees the Union army of St. Louis, six 
thousand strong, soon after to be swelled by contributions from the country to 
nearly thrice that number And when, in the course of a few days more, we 
shall learn that the heroic and accomplished Lyon has routed and dispersed 
the followers of the traitor Rains and the pirate McCulloch, and set the annihi- 
lation on the Missouri rebellion, and award to the triumphant warrior the 
honors due to the first General of the country, we shall not fail to refer, for the 
causes of his success, to a small law office in this city, where Frank Blair opened 
to a few friends last winter his plan of dealing with secession in Missouri. The 
work set on foot that night is now nearly or quite finished. The traitors of Mis- 
souri are overthrown. The State is safe, and has been saved by a stroke of 
genius, with little bloodshed, from the horror of a protracted conflict. The 
'• indiscretion " of a far-reaching sagacity and a lofty c urage in a single man 
has d*»ne the work. We do believe that the same policy would have saved Vir- 
ginia, Tennessee, and Arkansas from secession. But they had no such man. 



284 gen. 

five hundred men, in round numbers. There are at 
Springfield, Mount Vernon, and on the way there from 
Rolla, about three thousand men, under the command of 
Captain T. W. Sweeney, Second Infantry, acting (under 
election and by order of Brigadier-General Harney) as 
Brigadier-General of the United States Reserve Corps of 
St. Louis. In addition to these, there are about one 
thousand of the Home Guard and rifle battalion protect- 
ing the line of communication from St. Louis to Spring- 
field. As this line has become the most important one in 
the whole State, and as it is threatened by hostile bands 
under General Mc Bride and others, it has been deemed 
best to place it under the command of Colonel Wyman, 
Thirteenth Illinois Regiment Infantry, who went down 
to Rolla with his regiment last night ; he will establish 
his headquarters at Rolla or Lebanon, beyond the cross- 
ing of the Gasconade river, as he finds most expedient. 

Colonel Marsh, Twentieth Illinois Infantry, is now at 
this point to be equipped. After being fitted out for 
field service, they will be moved down to Cape Girar- 
deau, within fifty miles of Cairo, where they will, in case 
of necessity, be subject to the order of General Prentiss; 
but, if not called for at that point, will stop the transpor- 
tation of arms, munitions, and supplies which have been 
carried on between New Madrid and Cape Girardeau, 
and break up the rebel camps that have been formed in 
the vicinity. 

General McClellan has also placed the remainder of 
General Pope's brigade at the disposal of General Lyon. 
No more troops will be called for at present ; but there 
may hereafter be occasion for a large force, with artillery 
and cavalry, in the southeastern counties. As soon as 
General Lyon's plan of campaign developed itself, the 
secessionists in the Southeast began to organize their 
forces. They have hitherto been met as well as possible 
by expeditions from Cairo and from this place, and by 
Home Guards organized and armed by General Lyon's 
authority. These expeditions were necessarily confined 
to temporary visits to disaffected regions, and accom- 
plished little. The whole of the Southeast requires per- 
manent occupancy by our troops, as it contains more 
enemies than any other portion of our State. Apart from 



AND MISSOURI IN" 1861. 285 

this, information has been and is received here daily 
from different sources, including the report of our scouts, 
who have gone as far as Pocahontas, Arkansas, that our 
loyal citizens are being armed with Baton Rouge muskets 
brought up the White river, and troops from Tennessee 
and Arkansas are concentrating in the vicinity of the 
State line. These reports differ as to numbers, but agree 
as to all other important particulars. 

It is apparent that the enemy designs an invasion of 
the southeast portion of the State with a considerable 
force, and rely upon the inhabitants of the Swamp 
counties for active co-operation. The country in the 
lower part of Scott county, and in Stoddard, Dunklin, 
Mississippi, Pemiscot, New Madrid, and Butler counties, 
is what is known familiarly as the " earthquake country," 
having been turned from prairie into swamp lands by the 
earthquake of 1811. It is a country as difficult to over- 
run, if held by hostile people, as the Florida everglades ; 
and the hunters of that region will be hostile the 
moment that an advancing column of the rebels enter it. 
The troops sent to Cape Girardeau and to Greenville are 
not designed to enter the swamp country, but to hold 
the approaches by which an advancing enemy must pass, 
and to overawe and keep down the organization of hos- 
tile bands of our own citizens, as well as to encourage, 
organize, and distribute arms to those who are loyal. 
Time will show how much this force will have to be 
increased. 

There is no occasion for immediate re-enforcements. I 
will send a communication upon another subject by this 
mail. 

Very respectfully, 

CHESTER HARDING, A. A. G, 



CALL FOR AN EXTRA SESSION OF THE CONVENTION. 

Governor Jackson, Lieutenant-Governor Thomas C. 
Reynolds, and Secretary of State Benjamin F. Massey, 
having fled from the capital and engaged in the rebel- 
lion, the loyal people of Missouri were without a State 
government. It was urged by the masses of the Union 



286 

men that the President appoint a Military Governor, and 
in connection with such an office the name of Frank P. 
Blair was without opposition. But Mr. Blair would not 
permit such a movement to take shape, and another 
plan was adopted. It was concluded to call the conven- 
tion together, declare the above offices vacant, and elect 
provisional officers. For that purpose the following call 
was published : 

St. Louis, July 6, 1861. 

We, the undersigned, being a majority of the commit- 
tee of the convention of the State of Missouri, charged 
with the duty of convening the State convention at such 
time prior to the third Monday of December, 1861, and at 
such place as they may think the public exigencies re- 
quire, do hereby notify the said convention to assemble 
and meet at Jefferson City, in the State of Missouri, on 
the 2 2d day of July, in the year of our Lord 1861. 

R. WILSON, 
J. T. TINDALL, 
J. W. McCLURG, 
JAMES R. McCORMACK, 
THOMAS T. GANTT. 

SUPPRESSION OF THE STATE JOURNAL. 

On the 12th of July, Colonel Harding, by orders from 
General Lyon, suppressed the State Journal, a seces- 
sion daily paper in St. Louis, and caused its editor, J. W. 
Tucker, to be arraigned for treason. Colonel John 
McNeil, of the Home Guards, personally performed this 
duty, and closed the office. The paper was published by 
M. Niedener, to whom the Jackson Legislature had 
given the contract for the publication of "legal notices." 
The suppression of the Journal was followed by the 
publication of the Missourian, the War Bulletin, and 
the Extra Herald. These were all suppressed on the 
14th of July. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 287 

The arrest of J. W. Tucker, editor of the Bulletin, 
which took place on the 14th of July, was followed by an 
examination of his office and papers by the Assistant 
United States Attorney, James O. Broadhead. Mr. Asa 
S. Jones, the Attorney for the Government, not being- 
considered sufficiently competent for the position he was 
occupying at that troublous period, was instructed, 
through the agency of the Safety Committee, to secure 
the services of Mr. Broadhead, who really did the im- 
portant business of the office. At the time of the search 
an immense concourse of people gathered in the street, 
in front of Tucker's office, and Mr. Jones surrendered 
the duty of the search to Mr. Broadhead. It was in 
Tucker's office that the following letter was found, which 
more than any other document then in loyal hands just- 
ified the policy of Lyon, and proved him to be a man of 
great foresight and wise judgment: 

Executive Chamber, ) 

Jefferson City, April 28, 1861. j 
J. W. Tucker, Esq. : 

My Dear Sir — I write this in confidence, and under a 
state of mind very peculiar. I know not when I have 
been so deeply mortified as on yesterday when I read the 
leading article of the Republican. Governor Price called 
on me a few days since, when passing on his way to St. 
Louis. We had an interview of ten minutes, not more. 
It was strictly private and confidential. Neither was at 
liberty to repeat what the other said, much less was 
either licensed to mistake and misrepresent the position 
of the other. Governor Price asked me what I thought 
as to the time of calling the convention. I told him not 
to be in a hurry, but to wait until the Legislature met, 
and to be here at that time, so that we could consult 
with the members from all parts of the State, and fix 
upon a proper time; that, in my judgment, we should not 
go out of the Union until the Legislature had time to arm 
the State to some extent, and place it in a, proper position 
of defense. 



288 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

This was in substance the sum total of all I said to 
him. Governor Price said many things to me in that 
short interview, which I am not at liberty to repeat, and 
which I could not do without doing violence to my sense 
of honor, violating every rule of propriety which governs 
the intercourse of gentlemen, and forfeiting all claim to 
the position of an honorable member of community. If 
it be the purpose of Paschall and Price to make me 
indorse the position of the Republican, and the miserably 
base and cowardly conduct of Governor Price's submis- 
sion convention, then they are woefully mistaken. Lashed 
and driven as they have been, by an indignant and 
outraged constituency, from their position of uncon- 
ditional Union, they are now seeking shelter under the 
miserable absurdity of "armed neutrality." 

About the only truth in Paschall's article is that in 
which he states my policy to be a peace policy. This is 
true. I am for peace, and so is everybody except Lincoln 
and Frank Blair. You will do me an especial favor to 
inform Mr. Paschall that, whenever Governor Jackson 
wishes his position upon matters of public interest prop- 
erly stated before the people, he will take some direct 
manner of doing it, and not rely upon the colored and 
garbled statements of a set of men, who, under the garb 
of friendship, seek to obtain his confidence only to betray 
it, and play the part of pimps and spies. I do not think 
Missouri should secede to-day or to-morrow, but I do not 
think it good policy that I should so disclose. I want a 
little time to arm the State, and I am assuming every 
responsibility to do it with all possible dispatch. Mis- 
souri should act in concert with Tennessee and Ken- 
tucky. They are all bound to go out, and should go 
together, if possible. My judgment is that North Caro- 
lina, Tennessee, and Arkansas will all be out in a few days, 
and when they go Missouri should follow. Let us, then, 
prepare to make our exit. We should keep our oicn 
counsels. Every man in the State is in favor of arming 
the State. Then let it be done. All are opposed to 
furnishing Mr. Lincoln with soldiers. Time will settle 
the balance. 

Nothing should be said about the time or the manner 
in which Missouri should go out. That she ought to go, 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 289 

and will go at the proper time, I have no doubt. She 
ought to have gone out last winter, when she could have 
seized the public arms and public property, and defended 
herself. That she has failed to do, and must now wait 
a little while. Paschall is a base submissionist, and 
desires to remain with the North, if every other slave 
State should go out. This he proved in indorsing all 
those who voted against Bast's amendment. The people 
of Missouri, I must think, understand my position. Pas- 
chall knows the people are twenty to one against him, 
and hence he thinks to drag me into his aid and support. 
You should denounce his course and expose his base- 
ness. To frighten our people into the most slavish posi- 
tion, he parades before them, from day to day, our de- 
fenceless attitude, and meanly makes it out a thousand 
times worse than it really is. Missouri can put into the 
field, to-day, twenty thousand men, better armed than 
our fathers were who won our independence. If you can, 
I would be very glad to see you here on Tuesday even- 
ing. I hope you will comprehend my whole policy fully ; 
and without undertaking to shadow it forth specifically 
or in detail, I only ask that you will defend me from the 
false position in which Paschall and Price seem disposed 
to place me. Call on every country paper to defend me, 
and assure them I am fighting under the true flag. 
Who does not know that every sympathy of my heart is 
with the South f The Legislature, in my view, should 
sit in secret session, and touch nothing but the measures 
of defense. Let the measures of Messrs. Sturgeon, Pas- 
chall, Taylor & Co., in regard to their railroads, all go by 
the board ; I have not the patience or the time to talk of 
such matters now. Let us first preserve our liberties, 
and attend to business affairs afterward. Let all our 
energies and all our means be applied to our defense and 
safety. Yours truly, 

C. F. JACKSON, 

Governor of Missouri. 

BULL RUN COLONEL HARDING PROVIDES AGAINST OUT- 
BREAK. 

Colonel Harding, acting upon Lyon's instructions, and 
at times in conformity with his own judgment, dis- 
13 



290 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

patched troops to Ironton, Pilot Knob, and beyond on 
the line of the Iron Mountain railroad; to Mexico and 
Montgomery on the North Missouri ; to Louisiana, Pike 
county, and Cape Girardeau on the Mississippi ; to Lex- 
ington, Glasgow, and other points on the Missouri river, 
and aloug the entire line of the Pacific railroad from St. 
Louis to Sedalia. The correspondence with McClellan 
and the War Department was carried on almost entirely 
in the name of Lyon, by Adjutant-General Harding. 

Upon the receipt of the telegram announcing the dis- 
aster at Bull Run, Colonel Harding, anticipating disturb- 
ance in the city, prohibited the evening papers from 
publishing the dispatches, and made such disposition of 
the troops at hand as to effectually suppress any out- 
break. There were but few troops in the city, but yet 
sufficient, with the assistance of the private Union guards, 
to maintain the peace. The news, however, was published 
in the morning papers of the following day, but by this 
time the secessionists were growing cautious. They 
gave no public manifestations of their joy, but observant 
Union men could see an absence of that care recently 
noticeable upon their visages, and an elasticity of step 
unknown since Camp Jackson. During these days the 
United States detective force was busy, searching for 
concealed materials of war, and breaking up secret meet- 
ings of secessionists. Packages of a suspicious character, 
arriving or departing, were overhauled, and in many 
instances such searches were fruitful of results. 

MEETING OF THE STATE CONVENTION. 

On the day designated in the call, the convention met. 
Instead of at once recognizing the real wants of the 
time, eight days were occupied in debate upon the prop- 
osition to declare vacant the offices of Governor, Lieu- 
tenant-Governor, and Secretary of State. On the 30th of 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 291 

July, however, a final vote was arrived at, and the de- 
sired consummation was reached by a vote of fifty-six to 
twenty-five. On the 31st, the convention proceeded 
to select officers to fill the declared vacancies, and 
without any opposition Hamilton R. Gamble was elected 
Governor ; Willard P. Hall, Lieutenant-Governor ; Mor- 
decai Oliver, Secretary of State ; and George A. Bingham, 
Treasurer. The convention adopted and published an 
address in justification of their action; and Governor 
Gamble, in his inaugural, declared unconditionally for the 
Union. 

The convention went further, and adopted an oath of 
loyalty, which was to determine the qualifications of 
voters, as well as the continuance in office of those hold- 
ing public trusts. A positive stand was taken in behalf 
of loyalty, and it began to be evinced that traitors were 
not to be tolerated. The official business of the State 
government was transacted in the city of St. Louis ; and 
Missouri, as a State, now identified herself with the 
Union. 

FREMONT ASSUMES COMMAND. 

On the 2oth of July, Fremont, then recently made a 
Major-General, arrived in St. Louis, accompanied by his 
staff, and some German and Italian officers, and at once 
assumed command of the " Department of Missouri." 
The Union men of Missouri, although full of confidence 
in and respect for General Lyon, were disposed to 
greet the appointment and appearance of General Fre- 
mont with considerable favor. Lyon himself exhibited 
none but the kindliest feelings for the officer that had 
been made his superior, and hastened to furnish him the 
same confidence, advice and support he had shown 
McClellan. 

Fremont came to Missouri with almost unlimited 



292 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

power. The men whom Lyon turned away with regret 
because of a want of authority to receive into the serv- 
ice, Fremont was empowered to accept. Had the same 
power devolved on General Lyon in May and June, he 
could have mustered in from forty thousand to sixty 
thousand men, from Missouri, Iowa, and Illinois alone. 
The enthusiasm had somewhat subsided when Fremont 
arrived in St. Louis, and yet there was sufficient left for 
present purposes. The idea that the weight of Fre- 
mont's name was the salvation of the Union cause in 
the West, as is loudly proclaimed by his satellites, is 
simply the blossoming of the most ridiculous impudence. 
Fremont's arrival in Missouri was a national disaster, 
resulting in the loss of Lyon, and culminating in the 
surrender of Mulligan, and Price's undisturbed march of 
triumph and desolation through Missouri. 

THE ADVANCE ON SPRINGFIELD. 

Before leaving for Jefferson City, Lyon had a confer 
ence with Sweeney, instructing him, as soon as he could 
arrange matters in St. Louis so he could leave with 
safety, to take as many troops as he possibly could, 
move down to Springfield, and take command of all the 
forces in Southwest Missouri until he (Lyon) should join 
him. General Lyon, on the 13th of June, ordered Sigel 
and Salomon, with their regiments, to move down to 
Springfield and Neosho, and operate in the rear of Jack- 
son and Price, while he (Lyon) drove them away from 
the State capital. After the battle of Boonville, General 
Lyon occupied until the 2d of July in making prep- 
arations for an advance upon the enemy. The great 
cause of the delay was the entire absence of transporta- 
tion and camp and garrison material. He also desired 
to leave in Boonville and Jefferson a sufficient number of 
troops to protect those points, and keep open the line of 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 293 

the Missouri. On the 3d of July, General Lyon com- 
menced his march for Springfield, and on Sunday night, 
July 7, formed a junction with Major Sturgis, ten 
miles south of Clinton, in Henry county. He arrived at 
Springfield on the 1 3th of July. 

Sigel arrived (with a part of his own regiment) at 
Rolla, about one, P.M., on the 14th of June. His 
troops were received with enthusiasm all along the route. 
At Rolla the secession flag was flying, but was speedily 
destroyed, and the "Stars and Stripes" raised in its 
place. About one hundred and eighty of the " Missouri 
State Guard," who had been mustered into the rebel 
service, were stationed at Rolla, but they fled precipi- 
tately upon learning of the Federal advance. Sigel 
remained at Rolla a few days, until he was joined by the 
balance of his regiment, and then, being relieved by 
Major Bayles with some three hundred men, who re- 
mained at Rolla, he marched to Neosho. Colonel Salo- 
mon followed on the heels of Sigel, and on the 1st of 
July Colonel Sigel was at Neosho, and Colonel Salomon 
at Sarcoxie. 

Captain Sweeney had, shortly after the taking of Camp 
Jackson, been elected Brigadier-General by the five regi- 
ments of Home Guards which Lyon had mustered into 
the service ; and although not commissioned from Wash- 
ington, his rank as a Brigadier-General was recognized 
by Lyon until the latter reached Springfield, and the 
Reserve Corps broken up. Sweeney set out from St. 
Louis with four companies of the Third Regiment Re- 
serve Corps, and the entire Fourth Regiment Reserve 
Corps, Colonel B. Gratz Brown. Arriving at Rolla, it 
was ascertained that the transportation ordered was not 
on hand, and leaving Colonel Brown with his regiment, 
with orders to move forward so soon as that should 
come up, Sweeney pushed on to Springfield with the 



294 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

four companies of Third Regiment Reserve Corps. At 
Lebanon he was obliged to disband and disarm one of 
these companies for mutiny, and with the others ar- 
rived at Springfield on the 1st of July. 

Salomon was at Sarcoxie when he received orders 
from Sweeney to report in person at headquarters in 
Springfield. On the day previous to the reception of 
this order, Lieutenant-Colonel Wolf had left with four 
companies of the Fifth Missouri Volunteers to join Sigel 
at Neosho, and Salomon, disregarding Sweeney's order, 
left one day later with four other companies for the same 
destination. Major Cronenbold, with two companies of 
the same regiment, had been left in Springfield. Upon 
reaching Neosho, Sigel informed Salomon he had received 
orders from Sweeney to return to Springfield, but he 
should do so only by way of Carthage, as he believed 
Jackson was pushing that way to escape from Lyon. 
On the morning of the 3d of July, Sigel, thus re-en- 
forced by Salomon, moved to Carthage. 

BATTLE OF CARTHAGE. 
[From the Missouri Democrat, July 11, 1861.] 

Last evening we had an interview with Lieutenant 
Tusk, bearer of dispatches from Colonel Sigel, who gives 
us a highly interesting account of the battle of Carthage. 

It would be in vain for us to attempt to portray the 
many movements of the contending parties, and the inci- 
dents of the day, as they were so graphically and intelli- 
gently related to us and explained by Lieutenant Tusk. 

He says that the command under Colonel Sigel, 
amounting to about eleven hundred men, at Carthage, 
heard, on the evening of the 4th, of the presence of 
the enemy at a point about seven miles eastward on the 
prairie. The force of the enemy was not known, but the 
troops were so impatient to have a brush that Colonel 
Sigel decided to have a battle. At three o'clock on the 
morning of the 5th, the inarch was begun. The command 
came upon the rebel forces under Generals Rains and 



AND MISSOURI IX 186], 295 

Parsons, at about half-past nine o'clock in 1»he forenoon. 
They were strongly stationed on a ridge or hill in the 
prairie, having five pieces of artillery ; one twelve- 
pounder posted in front, and two six-pounders on the right 
and left, the cavalry on each flank, and the infantry in 
the rear of the artillery. The position was a formidable 
one. 

Colonel Sigel approached to within a distance of eight 
hundred yards, with four pieces of artillery in his centre, 
supported on his left by a command of infantry, under 
Lieutenant-Colonel Hassendeubel, and a six-pound can- 
non ; on his right, by the command of Colonel Salomon 
and another six-pounder ; in the rear of the centre pieces 
of artillery was the command of Major Bishop. Before 
opening fire,Colonel Sigel briefly and eloquently addressed 
the troops, reminding them of their battles in the old 
country, and asking them to stand by him in the present 
hour. He then opened fire with shrapnels from his 
extreme left, and soon the engagement became general. 
The rebels, though strongly posted, had no grape, and 
proved themselves to be bad artillerists, the most of their 
balls flying high and plowing up the prairie beyond the 
Federal troops. They had Confederate flags flying on 
their extreme right and left divisions, and the Missouri 
State flag in their centre. Sigel's men twice shot down 
the traitors' flags, their first shots being especially directed 
at those objects, saying they had no desire to fire upon 
the State flag. In three-quarters of an hour the twelve- 
pounder in the rebels' front was dismounted and their 
centre column completely broken. In two hours more 
their artillery was entirely silenced. They resumed fire 
after a short interval, but were a second and last time 
silenced. 

By this time, Colonel Sigel, observing that a flank 
movement was being made by both wings of the rebel 
cavalry, became concerned for his baggage-wagons, 
which were stationed three miles in his rear, and accord- 
ingly sent back one field-piece and a column of infantry 
to protect them and the ferry across a small creek be- 
tween him and them. The cavalry still pressing him on 
the right and left, he ordered a retrograde movement of 
the whole command, which was admirably performed, 



296 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

the artillery continuing to do fine service, and fighting 
slowly every inch of ground. The baggage-wagons 
having been reached, they were immediately formed in 
solid columns of eight, and the infantry and artillery 
were posted on all sides, presenting an impregnable 
array. In this condition, and with perfect order, his com- 
mand continued the retrograde movement toward Car- 
thage, fighting bravely against the superior odds, until 
about five o'clock in the afternoon. At last they came 
to a place where the road passed directly through a high 
bluff, on each side of which the enemy's cavalry were 
posted in large numbers. By a feint, as if intending to 
pass round the bluffs, Colonel Sigel drew the cavalry in a 
solid body in the road between the bluffs, at a distance of 
three hundred and fifty yards from his position, when, by a 
skillful and rapid manoeuvre of his artillery, he poured into 
their ranks a most destructive cross fire of canister-shot, 
which did not last but ten minutes before the enemy fled 
in great disorder. Lieutenant Tusk says the prairie was 
full of flying and riderless horses, of which they captured 
eighty-five, and picked from the ground sixty-five 
double-barreled shot-guns. Up to this time two officers 
and fcwo hundred and fifty men were captured by Sigel. 
It was still three miles to Carthage. Colonel Sigel 
was anxious to reach that point, and take position in the 
woods on the north of that place, on the Sarcoxie road, 
so that he would not be further annoyed by the rebel, 
cavalry. This movement occupied from half-past six 
o'clock to about half-past eight o'clock in the evening ; 
and here was the hottest fighting of the day, the enemy 
evidently appreciating Colonel Sigel's desire to get into 
the cover of the woods, and disputing the ground most 
stubbornly with him. Finally, against the tremendous 
odds, he gained the timber, when the enemy retired to 
Carthage. ******** 

This account goes on to say that, when the enemy 
retired, Colonel Sigel took up the line of inarch for Sar- 
coxie, some twelve or fourteen miles distant, at which 
place they arrived at half-past three o'clock in the morn- 
ing. On the same evening (6th), they marched to 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 297 

Mount Vernon, where they were cordially greeted by 
the citizens. 

Captain Conrad's company, which had been left at 
Neosho by Colonel Sigel, were surrounded, on the 5th of 
July, by some fifteen hundred Arkansans, and were given 
fifteen minutes' time to surrender. Before the expiration 
of that time, the enemy was increased to double his 
strength, and Captain Conrad then surrendered. Ben 
McCulloch was present. General Price and Governor 
Jackson demanded that their men and arms be delivered 
to the Missouri troops, which was denied. The com- 
pany was disarmed and paroled; and the Arkansas 
troops guarded them part of the way on their journey to 
Springfield. A large number of Indians were present in 
the camp at Neosho. 

SWEENEY RE-ENFORCES SIGEL. 

On the morning of the 7th of July, Colonel B. Gratz 
Brown with his regiment arrived at Springfield, and on 
the evening of that day word was brought to Sweeney 
of Sigel's disaster. Sweeney at once issued orders for a 
movement in aid of Sigel, to start that night at ten 
o'clock, the men to be provided with rations for six days. 
The force thus ordered was composed of Brown's regi- 
ment, three companies of the Third Reserve Corps, and 
one company of Springfield Home Guards, under Captain 
Holland, which Sweeney had armed with the guns taken 
from the mutineers at Lebanon. On account of the tired 
condition of his men, as well as want of transportation, 
Brown was not ready at the time mentioned, and Sweeney 
set out without that regiment. He overtook Sisrel at Mount 
Vernon, and was there joined by Colonel Brown. On 
the 1 Oth of July, finding the enemy were moving south- 
eastwardly, Sweeney returned to Springfield for the pur- 
pose of protecting that place. The enemy had consider- 
13* 



29S gen. 

able cavalry, of which our little army was totally defici- 
ent, and by reason of that could have made a detour to 
the rear and seriously threatened Springfield. When 
Sweeney ascertained the command was short of ammu- 
nition, he had dispatched a messenger to Springfield, with 
instructions to have cast as much round shot as it was 
possible to have done, and also to gather up all the 
powder that could be found. The alacrity with which 
this order was obeyed showed the determined spirit of 
the Unionists there, upon whose efforts the loyal people 
of the State were depending for their own safety. The 
wagons bearing this shot were found to have been consid- 
erably burned by the hot castings. On the 11th of July 
this little army reached Springfield, and Sweeney found 
there the following communication from Lyon, written 
in pencil : 

" Sweeney, I have heard of Sigel's affair at Carthage 
and how his men behaved. They fired too high and did 
but little execution. I am marching at the rate of forty 
miles a day to get to you. I am afraid I will get out of 
provisions." 

Sweeney wrote him in reply that with the Home 
Guards he had two thousand six hundred men and eight 
pieces of artillery, and was abundantly able to hold 
Springfield ; that he need give himself no uneasiness on 
his (Sweeney's) account. He also sent to Lyon two 
wagon-loads of provisions. This note from Sweeney 
quieted the apprehensions of Lyon as to the safety of 
Springfield. Three days later Lyon arrived in Spring- 
field, and hastened to communicate with St. Louis. 

general lyon at springfield. 

Headquarters Southwest Expedition, ) 
Springfield, Mo., July 13, 1861. \ 
Sir — I arrived at this place early this evening, two or 
three hours in advance of my troops, who are encamped 






AND MISSOURI IN 1861 . 299 

a few miles back. I have about five thousand men to be 
provided for, and have expected to find stores here as I 
have ordered. The failure of stores reaching here seems 
likely to cause serious embarrassment, which must be ag- 
gravated by continued delay, and in proportion to the 
time I am forced to wait for supplies. * * * * 
I shall endeavor to take every due precaution to meet 
existing emergencies, and hope to be able to sustain the 
cause of the Government in this part of the State. But 
there must be no loss of time in furnishing me the re- 
sources I have herein mentioned. I have lost in reaching 
this place about four days' time, by the high water in 
Grand and Osage rivers, which made it necessary to 
ferry them. The same difficulty prevented Sturgis from 
co-operating with Sigel in time to afford any aid. Please 
telegraph to McClellan and to Washington anything in 
this letter you deem of importance to these headquarters. 
Shoes, shirts, blouses, &c, are much wanted, and I 
would have you furnish them, if possible, inconsideiable 
quantities. 

Yours truly, 

N. LYON, 
Brigadier- General, Commanding. 
Colonel Chester Harding, St. Louis Arsenal. 

Springfield, Mo., July 13, 1861. 
My effective force will soon be reduced by discharge 
of three months' volunteers to about four thousand men, 
including the Illinois regiment now on the march from 
Rolla. Governor Jackson will soon have in this vicinity 
not less than thirty thousand men. I must have at once 
an additional force of ten thousand men, or abandon my 
position. All must have supplies and clothing. 

N. LYON, 
Brigadier- General, Commanding. 

Headquarters Army of the West, ) 
Springfield, Mo., July 15, 1861. j 
Colonel — General Lyon is now here with about seven 
thousand men. Of these fully one-half are three months' 
volunteers, whose term of service has nearly expired, 
the latest expiring on the 14th of August. Governor 
Jackson is concentrating his forces in the southwest- 



300 GEN. 

ern part of the State, and is receiving large re-enforce- 
ments from Arkansas, Tennessee, Louisiana, and Texas. 
***** Our troops are badly clothed, 
poorly fed, and imperfectly supplied with tents ; none of 
them have yet been paid ; and the three months' volun- 
teers have become disheartened to such extent that very 
few of them are willing to renew their enlistment. * * 

J. M. SCHOFIELD, 
Captain Eleventh Infantry , A. A. G. 

p # S. — Cannot Colonel Curtis's regiment be spared 
from St. Joseph ? If so, send it forward. 

N. LYON, 

Commanding. 

[Telegram.] 

Cincinnati, July 15, 1861. 
N". Lyon, Brigadier- General — 

Positive advices from Memphis of 6th instant, show 
General Bradley's command, Arkansas troops and the 
Bragg battery, also four thirty-two-pounders and two 
or three sixty-four-pounders, were embarked on steam- 
boats for Pocahontas, on the Black river, distant from 
Sykesville, the terminus of the Cairo and Fulton rail- 
road, about one hundred miles by fair country roads. 
Ammunition scarce. One regiment not armed, but 
expects to be. Bradley, Hind man, and others said they 
expected to find six thousand Arkansas and Missouri 
troops in camp at Pocahontas and Pittman's Ferry, on 
the Arkansas and Missouri line. Their route is down 
the Mississippi to White river, one hundred and thirty- 
seven miles ; up White river to Jacksonport, two hun- 
dred and forty miles; up Black river to Pocahontas, 
about sixty miles. Have advised General Prentiss. 

S. S. WILLIAMS, A. A. G. 

St. Louis Arsenal, July 13, 1861. 
Hon. Simon Cameron, Secretary of War, Washington : 
With cavalry on our prairies, we could crush secession 
in our State within two months. The want of it has not 
only embarrassed us, but lost us the fruits of hard-earned 
victories. The rebel General Harris would now be a 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 301 

prisoner, if we had mounted forces. Two regiments are 
needed. What may we do ? Colonel F. P. Blair can 
explain. We hope to catch Harris in any event. 

CHESTER HARDING, 

A. A. G., Mo. Vols. 

Chicago, July 15, 1861. 

Colonel Chester Harding, Jr. : 

Have dispatched condition of affairs to General Frer 
mont, and asked authority to take the field with five 
more regiments. Expect answer to-night. Will go down 
and confer with you soon as I hear. How did you suc- 
ceed with Harris ? 

JOHN POPE, 

Brigadier- General. 

The following letter was taken from a captured spy : 

Headquarters Ripley County Battalion, ) 
Camp Burrows, July 16, 1861. j 
Dear Sir — If there is any way to communicate with 
the Governor, through any person in St. Louis, please 
let me know. I am advancing, and General Yell will 
follow me in a few days with five thousand men. He 
will take position between Rolla and Ironton, and act as 
circumstances dictate. General Watkins will move up, 
sustained by General Pillow, and if proper energy is 
exercised we can drive the enemy north of the Missouri 
and into St. Louis in thirty days. You will please let 
me hear from you, verbally or not, through the person 
through whom this passes; and please send me the 
Daily Journal for a short time, to Doniphan, as it will 
be sent to me by my couriers. 

Yours respectfully, 

M. JEFF. THOMPSON, 
Commanding Ripley County Battalion. 
Joseph Tucker, Esq., 

Editor of the State Journal, St. Louis. 

EFFORTS TO PROCURE RE-ENFORCEMENTS. 

No sooner did Lyon reach Springfield than he at once 
set to work to procure re-enforcements. When he left 



302 

Boonville he had not anticipated the energy and determ- 
ination which the rebels were displaying in their 
trans-Mississippi department. He had bnt calculated, as 
the only immediate necessity, the dispersion of the 
troops organized in Missouri under the Claib Jackson 
bureau ; and his haste to embarrass and destroy, if pos- 
sible, that organization, was in the hope of preventing 
thousands of Missourians from being ingulfed in the 
secession waves which seemed to be rolling over the 
State. While at Boonville, where he met with serious 
difficulty in carrying out his designs for a prompt and 
immediate advance, he had been annoyed and delayed 
by a want of transportation, and also a want of the 
necessary authority to supply deficiencies. Colonel 
Blair, in returning to Washington, was charged with the 
business of arranging this branch of the service, with the 
following result : 

[By telegraph.] 

Washington, July 6, 1861. 
To Colonel Chester Harding, St. Louis Arsenal : 

I have just telegraphed to Major McKinstry, as fol- 
lows : " Procure and send to Rolla, Missouri, as many 
wagons and teams as may be required to transport sup- 
plies from that place to Springfield for General Lyon's 
command. Consult Assistant Adjutant-General Har- 
ding as to the number will be necessary, and spare no 
exertions to forward at once. Make arrangements also 
to supply the animals with forage at Rolla, and while 
employed in transporting supplies to Springfield. Funds 
will be immediately forwarded to you. 

M. C. MEIGS, 

Q. M. General. 

It will be seen this order was dated July 6. Wilson 
Creek was not fought until one month and four days 
had intervened, but the order was of no service to Lyon. 
Springfield, Mo., July 17, 1861. 

Sir — I inclose you a copy of a letter to Colonel Town 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 303 

send on the subject of an order from General Scott, 
which calls for five companies of the Second Infantry 
to be withdrawn from the West and sent to Washington. 
A previous order withdraws the mounted troops, as I am 
informed, and were it not that some of them Avere en route 
to this place they would now be in Washington. This 
order carried out would not now leave at Fort Leaven- 
worth a single company. I have Companies B and E, 
Second Infantry, now under orders for Washington, and 
if all these troops leave me I can do nothing, and must 
retire in the absence of other troops to supply their 
places. In fact, I am badly enough off at the best, and 
must utterly fail if my regulars all go. At Washington 
troops from all the Northern, Middle, and Eastern States 
are available for the support of the Army of Virginia, 
and more are understood to be already there than are 
wanted ; and it seems strange so many troops must go 
on from the West, and strip us of the means of defense. 
But if it is the intention to give up the West, let it be so ; 
it can only be the victim of imbecility or malice. Scott 
will cripple us if he can. Cannot you stir up this mat- 
ter and secure us relief ? See Fremont, if he has arrived. 
The want of supplies has crippled me so that I cannot 
move, and I do not know when I can. Everything 
seems to combine against me at this point. Stir up 
Blair. 

Yours truly, 

N. LYON, Commanding. 
Colonel Harding. 

general lyon to the war department. 

Headquarters Army of the West, ) 

Springfield, Mo., July 17, 1861. ) 
To Colonel Townsend, A. A. 6r., Adjutant- GeneraVs 
Office, Washington : 
Sir — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of 
Special Order No. 112, from headquarters, under date of 
July 5, directing the removal from the Department of 
the West of Companies B, C, F, G, and H, Second Infant- 
ry, and of Captain Sweeney, now acting Brigadier-Gen- 
eral by election of volunteers. The communication 
reached me yesterday at this place. 



304 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

I have been drawn to this point by the movement of 
the rebel forces in this State, and have accumulated such 
troops as I could make available, including those in Kan- 
sas. My aggregate is between seven and eight thousand 
men, more than half of whom are three months' volun- 
teers, some of whose term of enlistment has just expired ; 
others will claim a discharge within a week or two ; and 
the dissolution of my forces from this necessity, already 
commenced, will leave me less than four thousand men, 
including Companies B and E, Second Infantry, now with 
me. In my immediate vicinity it is currently reported there 
are thirty thousand troops and upward, whose number is 
constantly augmenting, and who are diligently accumulat- 
ing arms and stores. They are making frequent lawless and 
hostile demonstrations and threaten me with attack. The 
evils consequent upon the withdrawal of any portion of my 
force will be apparent : loyal citizens will be unprotected, 
repressed treason will assume alarming boldness, and 
possible defeat of my troops in battle will peril the con- 
tinued ascendency of the Federal power itself, not only in 
the State, but in the whole West. If the interests of the 
Government are to be sustained here, and in fact the 
whole Valley of the Mississippi, large bodies of troops 
should be sent forward to this State, instead of being 
withdrawn from it, till by concentration there may be 
ability to overpower any force there can be gathered in 
the West to act against the Government. Troops 
properly belonging to the Valley of the Mississippi, from 
Wisconsin, Michigan, Indiana, and Ohio, have already 
been withdrawn to the East. The moral effect of the 
presence of the few regulars in my command is doubtless 
the main consideration which holds the enemy in check, 
and with them I may be able to retain what has already 
been achieved until I am strengthened ; but any dimi- 
nution will be imminently hazardous. 

The volunteers with me have yet had no pay for their 
services, and their duties have been arduous. Their 
clothing has become dilapidated, and as a body they are 
dispirited. But for these facts they would probably 
nearly all have re-enlisted. I have no regular officers of 
the Pay Department, nor of the Commissary and Quarter, 
master; the affairs of both the last are, consequently } 



AND MISSOURI IN" 1861. 305 

indifferently administered from want of experience. 
Nothing but the immense interests at stake could ever 
have induced me to undertake the great work in which 
I am engaged under such discouraging circumstances. In 
this state of affairs, presumed to have been unknown 
when the order was issued, I have felt justified in delay- 
ing its execution for further instruction, so far as the 
companies with me are concerned. 
Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

N. LYON, 

Brigadier- General Commanding. 
Lieutenant-Colonel Townsend, A. A. G., &c. 

CORRESPONDENCE BY TELEGRAPH AND MAIL EXPLAIN 
CONDITION OF AFFAIRS IN JULY. 

Springfield, Mo., July 19, 1861. 
Sir — The Fourth and Fifth Regiments Iowa Volunteers 
are reported to me as available for service. They are at 
present at Burlington, in that State, and it is desirable 
to have them actively at work. If they are not other- 
wise needed, I wish you to order them forward to join 
my column, with all possible dispatch. 

N. LYON, Commanding. 
Colonel Harding. 

[By telegraph from Washington, received same date.] 
Washington City, July 20, ] 861. 
Colonel Chester Harding, St. Louis Arsenal : 

General Thomas authorized me to say that you can 
accept as many three years' regiments as shall offer, 
until further notice. 

F. P. BLAIR, 
Colonel First Missouri Volunteers. 

St. Louis Arsenal, July 20, 1861. 
Major-General Fremont, New York : 

Nothing later from General Lyon, but I have obtained 
authority to accept regiments as soon as offered. Can 
soon re-enforce him. Will begin next week. When will 
you start ? 

CHESTER HARDING, 

Assistant Adjutant- General. 



306 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

St. Louis, July 1,9, 1861. 
It was the design to occupy Southwest Missouri, cut- 
ting off all approaches from Arkansas by way of Poca- 
hontas, to occupy Poplar Bluffs, Bloomfield, Greenville, 
and the line of the Cairo and Fulton railroad. Accord- 
ingly, one regiment is at Ironton, ready to advance 
when re-enforced. Grant was under orders, but his 
orders were countermanded. Marsh is at Cape Girar- 
deau, instructed to keep open communication with 
Bloomfield, where Grant was to be. General Prentiss 
has eight regiments at Cairo, and could spare five of them 
to go into that country. If we once lose possession of 
the swamps of that region, a large army will be required 
to clear them, while, if we get possession first and hold 
the causeway, a smaller force will do. General McClel- 
lan telegraphed that he had authentic intelligence of 
a large army gathering at Pocahontas, according with 
what I have advised for weeks. Expecting you here 
daily, I have not telegraphed before ; but if you do not 
come at once, will you take into consideration the im- 
portance to Cairo that the Southeast should be held by 
us? 

CHESTER HARDING, Jr., A. A. G. 

Major-General Fremont. 

St. Louis Arsenal, July 21, 1861. 
Brigadier-General Lyon, Commanding : 

General — Before referring to your recent communi- 
cations, allow me to explain the state of affairs in other 
parts of Missouri, outside of your line of operations. 

Before you left Boonville I had the honor to advise 
you that large forces were gathering at Pocahontas. In 
accordance with your instructions, I communicated freely 
with General McClellan, and, as I supposed, succeeded 
in having placed at your disposal sufficient troops from 
Illinois to hold the swamp counties of the Southeast. 
Accordingly, I commenced by sending Bland's (Sixth Mis- 
souri) regiment to Ironton,»with directions to proceed as 
far as he could with entire safety in the direction of Green- 
ville. At the same time Colonel Grant's regiment was 
ordered here, to proceed to Bloomfield, and Colonel 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 307 

Marsh to Cape Girardeau, where he could have easy 
communication with either Cairo or Bloomfield. I 
armed eight hundred Home Guards in Cape Girardeau and 
Scott counties, to act as skirmishers, scouts, and guides in 
marshes, and obtained authority from the Secretary of 
War to raise a force of mounted scouts. With these forces, 
and with arms for Home Guards in Wayne, Stoddard, and 
Butler, I expected to keep down local rebellion in that 
region, encourage Union men, hold the causeway through 
the swamps, and prevent the approach of an army from 
Pocahontas, until the commanding Generals and the au- 
thorities at Washington became convinced it was the 
design of the enemy to march upon Bird's Point and St. 
Louis as soon as sufficient strength was gathered. 

General McClellan countermanded his order to Grant. 
I could get no answer in regard to equipping BuelPs 
battery (though now the authority is here, and a por- 
tion of the battery in service on the Missouri river) ; and 
Bland and Marsh are at the points they were sent to, 
without the force to accomplish the objects named. 
General McClellan's reason for countermanding the 
order to Grant was that Cairo was threatened. There- 
fore, instead of occupying the country through which 
the enemy must come, eight regiments are lying in that 
sickly hole, Cairo, where General Prentiss can see the 
whole of them at once. He also has cavalry and two 
light batteries. 

A week since General McClellan telegraphed that he 
had the same definite information of troops crossing from 
Tennessee and coming up from all parts of Arkansas to 
Pocahontas, which I had learned from our scouts and 
spies (one of them a pilot on a Memphis boat, which 
had conveyed some of the troops over) and had sen t to him. 

Now, in the Southeast we stand thus : two regiments 
not in communication with each other : no artillery, and 
a few Home Guards, against what they expect to be, 
twenty thousand men (regular troops, well provided), 
who design marching upon St. Louis. I have explained 
all this to General Fremont, who will be here Tues- 
day, and who (as does General Pope) understands the 
threatened movement, and will take vigorous measures 
to meet it. So much for the Southeast. 



308 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

Meanwhile, your departure from Boonville, and the 
necessity of having eighteen hundred troops to garrison 
Jefferson City, Boonville, and Lexington, encouraged the 
rebels in Northeast Missouri. Brigadier-General Tom. 
Harris (rebel) gathered a force below Monroe station, in 
camp. I took the liberty of ordering Colonel Smith, of 
Illinois, who was lying eighteen miles from him, to break 
up the camp. He waited a day or two until Harris had 
got together sixteen hundred men, proceeded part way, 
shut himself up in a seminary, and sent back for re-en- 
forcements, as his men had been marched oif in such a 
hurry that they forgot to fill their cartridge-boxes, and 
had only four rounds apiece. He was relieved, and Harris 
marched southwestwardly on his way through Callaway 
county, to make a combined attack on Jefferson City, with 
forces from Pettis, Osage, and Linn counties. 

To check this I ordered up Schiittner's regiment from 
Cairo. As soon as the boat arrived I gave Colonel 
Schiittner his marching orders, and immediately went 
to work to equip his regiment. McKinstry helped, and 
both of us worked all night. The field officers, except 
Lieutenant-Colonel Hammer, and nearly all the company 
officers, went up town, and McKinstry and I were 
colonels, captains, adjutants, and quartermasters as 
occasion required. I finally got them off to go to Jef- 
ferson City, to cross there. As the regiment was in the 
worst possible state of discipline, and as Hammer is no 
soldier (Schiittner and the balance I put in arrest as soon 
as they appeared at the gate at reveille), I could not trust 
him, and ordered McNeil to take seven of his com- 
panies and follow him to take command. Hammer had 
with him forty-two mounted orderlies. The two com- 
mands united were to proceed to Jefferson City, Ada 
Fulton to Mexico, between which two places last named 
Harris was. 

At the same time Colonel M. L. Smith (Eighth Mis- 
souri Volunteers), with two companies, and four com- 
panies of the Second Missouri Volunteers, under Schaeffer, 
were sent up to Mexico by rail, where it was arranged 
with Hurlbut that either Palmer or Grant should join 
them and scour the country down toward Jefferson. 
After fully entering into the plan, and after I had sent 



AND MISSOURI IX 1861. 309 

off our forces, Hmibut sent Palmer on to guard the 
Chariton bridge with his entire regiment, and left Smith 
to do the best lie could. I, of course, immediately 
re-enforced him. Meanwhile the enemy burned the 
bridge above Mexico. 

Hammer telegraphed from Hermann that he con- 
cluded to leave the river there, as transportation was 
easily procured, and that he had made arrangements to 
effect a junction with McNeil. The next I heard of him 
he was at New Florence, on the railroad, and McNeil, 
with four hundred and sixty men, was near Fulton, where 
I then knew he would meet Harris. You can imagine 
my anxiety, and afterward my relief, when I heard from 
that brave fellow, McNeil, that he had fought and 
routed the rebels. 

The next day after this affair, General Pope sent me 
word that he would go into Northeast Missouri with a 
large force. He has done so. He expects to have seven 
thousand men there, two batteries, and four companies of 
cavalry. McNeil still lies at Fulton. Hammer came 
down from the railroad, and McNeil has ordered him 
here. Everything quiet in Callaway. The Northeast 
may be considered secure. 

From Jefferson I have had nothing but trouble. It 
being impossible to supply the places of Boernstein's six 
companies, I have left him there, and — but I won't stop 
to mention his performances. 

At home our friends are alarmed, and the city is 
uneasy. I receive about five deputations per diem, 
warning me that I ought not to send away so many 
troops (two thousand two hundred United States Reserve 
Corps left), and sometimes hinting that I will be over- 
hauled by higher powers for doing so. The only danger 
is an advance from Arkansas. But the first demonstra- 
tion will result in clearing St. Louis of its secession ele- 
ment. * * * Mismanagement of transportation at 
Rolla, to which place one hundred and ten wagons had 
been sent before Brown moved, and probably the inferior 
kind of transportation furnished, accounts for the delay 
in getting supplies forward. Arms, ammunition, and 
provisions were lying for weeks at Rolla, while I sup- 
posed they were going forward, and I was not informed 



310 

of the fact. When I did learn it, I telegraphed to Wash- 
ington, and had instructions sent to McKinstry to buy 
everything I required. McKinstry has also had sent to 
Rolla, at my request, one of Van Vliet's experienced 
clerks, Thomas O'Brien, to whom I have given the entire 
control of Quartermaster's affairs from Rolla onward. A 
large number of army wagons, with mules, have been 
bought and sent down, and I trust that there will be no 
more trouble there. Two hundred and fifty thousand 
rations were ordered on the Cth ; four thousand shoes, 
and clothing to match, were ordered on receipt of your 
letter of the 13th, and, I presume, are all on the way. I 
know that part have been shipped. 

The line of communication from Rolla to Springfield is 
kept oj)en by Wyman and Bayles. Wyman's (Thirteenth 
Illinois Volunteers, infantry, is a splendid regiment, and 
I am trying to get other troops to supply his place and 
send him forward ; but I am embarrassed by conduct 
which I scarcely think meets your approval, although I 
am informed you gave your consent to it. Lieutenant- 
Colonel Hassencleubel, who arrived here yesterday, but 
has not reported himself, brought up with him one 
of Bayles' companies (Company L, rifles, Fourth Regi- 
ment, formerly, but since organized with others as a bat- 
talion), and has ordered Company M up, also, for the pur- 
pose of forming a three years' regiment, of which he is to 
take the command. 

I have been strengthening Bayles all I could. There 
are three companies here now, mustered and ready to go 
down as soon as armed (by Tuesday at furthest) > and 
the other two companies will be ready during the week 
in all probability. The ten companies were to be com- 
manded by Saxton. He is said to be on his way here at 
this time, and Saxton would be invaluable, either in com- 
mand on the line or with you. 

As to re-enforcements, I shall reorganize the Second 
and Fourth under their Captains, and put the first ten 
companies formed into one regiment, without regard to 
the preferences of individuals. This can be done during 
the week, as Boernstein, Schaeffer, and Hammer are all 
to come here to-morrow. The surplus can be organized 
under a temporary battalion organization, sent to the 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 311 

field, and afterward filled up. The Eighth Missouri 
can go down this week, and a splendid regiment it 
is. 

Last night, the Adjutant-General gave me authority to 
accept any regiments that offered. Two are formed in 
the country. Both will be ready in two weeks. Others 
will come. I have caused the notice of the authority to 
be published. Bland can't be spared ; nor can Curtis's 
men. St. Joseph and the surrounding country are 
reported as ready to rise. In fact, the whole State 
is. 

The Ninth and Tenth are filling up fast, and can be 
ready in two weeks, probably. These statements are 
made upon the supposition that arms and equipments 
will be here as ordered. 

Mulligan's regiment, from Illinois, arrived here yester- 
day for arms. I sent some companies to Jefferson to- 
day, and the balance will go up on Tuesday. 

But better than all, General Fremont telegraphed me 
last night that he would start for St. Louis immediately ; 
and when I can have the opportunity of going over the 
map with him, I trust that he will use his power to fill 
this State with troops. A few weeks' delay would make 
the whole State a battlefield. 

And now, General, I can say that to be relieved of 
the responsibility which I have had upon me since you 
left, without the authority, after the change in the de- 
partment command, to do what I saw was necessary, 
with my representations to the department generally 
unnoticed, and without even a competent clerk to aid me 
in the ordinary routine of business, is truly a relief; and 
no one can be so glad that Fremont is coming as I am. 
I have never before had the time to write you fully ; and 
I presume that now the office is full of people, who are 
waiting upon the same errands with which you were 
formerly so much annoyed. I shall always feel proud of 
the confidence which you have placed in me, and I hope 
you will think I have endeavored to justify it. 

Very respectfully, and truly, 

CHESTER HARDING, Jr. 



G12 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

General Lyon replied to the above, as follows : 

Springfield, Missouri, July 27, 1861. 
Colonel Chester Harding : 

Dear Sir — I have your notes about matters in St. 
Louis, &c., and your proceeding seems to me perfectly 
correct. Now that matters North seem more quiet, can- 
not you manage to get a few regiments this way? I am 
in the deepest concern on this subject, and you must 
urge this matter upon Fremont as of vital importance. 
These three months' volunteers would re-enlist if they 
could be paid ; but they are now dissatisfied, and if 
troops do not replace them all that is gained may be 
lost. I have not been able to move for want of supplies, 
and this delay will exhaust the term of the three months' 
men. Cannot something be done to have our men and 
officers paid, as well as our purchases paid for? If the 
Government cannot give due attention to the West, her 
interest must have a corresponding disparagement. 
Yours truly, 

N. LYON, 
Brigadier- General, Commanding. 

Cairo, July 23, 1861. 
Chester Harding : 

Have but eight (8) regiments here. Six (6) of them are 
three months' men. Their time expires this week ; are re- 
organizing now. I have neither tents nor wagons, and 
must hold Cairo and Bird's Point. The latter is threat- 
ened. I have but two guns equipped for moving. Thus 
you see I cannot comply with request. Again, news of 
this morning changes policy of rebels in Kentucky. 
They are organizing opposite. Watkins is encamped, 
with two thousand, seven miles from Bloomfield. He has 
no cannon, and poorly armed. This may be the force you 
have heard from. 

B. M. PRENTISS, 
Brigadier- General. 

Headquarters Army of the West, ) 

Springfield, Mo., July 26, 1861. j 
Colonel Harding : 

Your order relative to the State Journal meets with 
the approbation of the General. He would like you to 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 313 

join him as soon as you can be spared by General Fre- 
mont. * * * Officers fit for staff duties are very 
scarce here. We have heard of the defeat of our troops 
in Virginia, though hardly enough to judge of its extent. 
I fear this will prevent our getting re-enforcements. If 
so, the next news will be of our defeat also. * * * 
Many of our men are entirely barefooted, and hence 
unable to march. * * * * 

Yours very truly, 

J. M. SCHOFIELD. 

Jefferson- City, July 22, 1861. 
C. Harding, Jr., A. A. C, St. Louis Arsenal: 

All the members of the convention from the Southwest 
urge the necessity of sending plenty of re-enforcements 
to General Lyon, and request me to so telegraph you. 
I do so, of course. You know what is best; whether 
they are better informed than you are, you can judge. 
JOHN D. STEVENSON, 
Colonel, Commanding. 

FREMONT BESIEGED FOR HELP. 

Thus it will be seen that, from the time General Lyon 
arrived at Springfield until it was too late, there was a 
full representation of his condition and wants both at 
Washington city and St. Louis. Not only by letters 
and telegrams to Fremont himself were these repre- 
sentations made, but letters written to prominent St. 
Louisans sent those gentlemen also to Fremont in behalf 
of the struggling braves in the Southwest. The great 
obstacle in the way of Lyon was the want of transporta- 
tion. This could have been remedied. McKinstry had 
orders dated July 6, from Washington, to furnish Lyon 
all he wanted; bat instead of fulfilling orders, McKin- 
stry discharged all the transportation that had been 
hired by Sigel, Sweeney, and Gratz Brown, when those 
officers moved below. Had this been retained, Lyon 
could have been supplied, and would have received the 
aid of Stevenson (Seventh Missouri). Lyon also sent 
14 



314 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

special messengers to Fremont, in the persons of John 
S. Phelps, Captain Marble, Major B. G. Farrar, Captain 
John S. Cavender, Dr. F. G. Porter, Colonel Hammer, 
and others. 

The following memorandum, in the handwriting of 
General Lyon, dated Springfield, July 27, was handed 
by the General to Colonel John S. Phelps : 

" See General Fremont about troops and stores for the 
place. Our men have not been paid and are rather dis- 
pirited ; they are badly off for clothing, and the want 
of shoes unfits them for marching. Some staff 
officers are badly needed, and the interests of the 
Government suffer for the want of them. The time 
for the three months' volunteers is nearly out, and 
on returning home, as most of them are disposed to, 
my command will be reduced too low for effective opera- 
tions. Troops must at once be forwarded to supply 
their place. The safety of the State is hazarded ; orders 
from General Scott strip the entire West of regular 
forces, and increase the chance of sacrificing it. The 
public press is full of reports that troops from other 
States are moving toward the northern border of Arkan- 
sas for the purpose of invading Missouri. 

" K LYON." 

As an instance of the manner in which these agents 
and officers of Lyon were treated at headquarters, I here 
relate the experience of Colonel John S. Cavender (then 
Captain of Company G, First Missouri Volunteers), who 
visited St. Louis, by special order of General Lyon, to see 
General Fremont, and impress upon him the absolute 
necessity of immediate action.* 

Colonel Cavender arrived in the city about the time of 
Fremont's arrival, and at once wended his way to 
the palace, ycleped "Headquarters Department of the 
West." That large and spacious marble edifice, built 

!: Lyon instructed Colonel Cavender by no means to expose his plans to 
Quartermaster McKinstry, as he was confident that officer would do all he 
could to frustrate them. I have frequently been assured of McKinstry'g per- 
sonal ill feelings for Lyon, but am in possession of no facts to prove their truth 



a:nd Missouri in 1861. 315 

by a wealthy citizen of St. Louis, and in the erection of 
which no expense was spared necessary to make it a 
monument of taste and grandeur, was approached by 
Cavender through files of German soldiery, who permit- 
ted him because of his uniform to reach the ante-cham- 
ber of the reception-rooms. He was not successful in 
obtaining an interview, although he announced the 
object of his mission ; the General was " engaged." 
After two days' vain efforts to see Fremont, Cavender 
concluded that he would observe form no longer, and 
with admirable determination and spirit, finally pushed 
his way by the armed guards, and into the presence. 
Advancing to General Fremont, he stated his desire for 
an interview, and that he was specially dispatched to St. 
Louis by General Lyon to seek such. He then pro- 
ceeded to inform the General that General Lyon had 
directed him to say he needed re-enforcements of from 
five to ten thousand men without the least delay ; that 
his Home Guards had never been paid or supplied by 
Government; that their time was expiring; they 
were dissatisfied and leaving in squads ;' large numbers 
of them were almost naked and absolutely barefoot, 
and their families distressed for want of the necessaries of 
life ; that if they could be paid large numbers of them 
would re-enlist, which was extremely desirable, the men 
being inured to service ; a paymaster should be for- 
warded at once, and the order of General Meigs for 
transportation complied with immediately. Colonel 
Cavender also represented the partial despondency of 
General Lyon at the neglect with which he had been 
treated, and explained Lyon's views as to the incalculable 
importance of holding on to Springfield, and a thorough 
protection of the rear; that McCulloch was approaching 
from Little Rock, with large numbers of troops from 
Arkansas, Tennessee, Louisiana, and Texas, and that the 



316 

contemplated battle would be for the possession of Spring- 
field ; that other movements were but fictitious, the real 
aim of the Confederates being for his front. 

Fremont listened attentively, and when Cavender con- 
cluded he said : 

" How long are you going to remain in town ? " 

" I am here," replied Cavender, " to attend to this 
special business. As soon as I have accomplished what 
I came for, I will return." 

" You had better call on me again, Captain. When 
can you call ? " 

" At any time ; I have nothing else to do but to at- 
tend to this business. My whole time is at your 
service." 

" Well, then, " said Fremont, " you had better call 
here at nine o'clock this evening, and I will inform you 
of what will be done. General Lyon must have re-en- 
forcements and whatever he asks for." 

" All right ! " said Cavender, " I will be here promptly 
at nine o'clock this evening. I will see you here, will I ?" 

" Oh, yes ! I'll be here ! Good morning." 

That evening at nine o'clock Cavender was on hand 
according to appointment. Presto ! The marble palace 
was closed, and no light shone from the front win- 
dows. 

The massive iron gate was locked, and the sentry 
Would admit no one. Cavender, passing around to the 
rear of the building, saw a light shining through the win- 
dows of the Adjutant-General's office, and no guard 
being in the rear he climbed over the fence and was 
soon tapping at the door of the office. 

" Come in ! " 

Cavender opened the door, and, entering the room, 
was in the presence of Adjutant General Kelton. Taking 
out his watch, he remarked : 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 317 

" I am here by appointment. It is just a few minutes 
after nine, and General Fremont appointed to see me 
here and now. 

" General Fremont was fatigued, and has retired ; he 
can't be seen to-night." 

" The devil he can't," responded Cavender. " He said 
he would certainly see me, and give me an answer for 
General Lyon." 

" Oh, as to that," quoth Kelton, " it's all right. A 
paymaster has been ordered to go in the cars to-morrow 
morning, and General Fremont has arranged to send re- 
enforcements at once. At least five thousand will go 
forward as soon as the orders can reach them. It's all 
right, Captain ; you can tell General Lyon he will be 
attended to." 

Cavender, asking if he could rely on that, and being 
informed he could, withdrew, and by the morning cars 
returned to Springfield. But there was no paymaster 
on the train, nor were the promised troops ordered 
forward. Lyon anxiously waited from day to-day, and 
when he gave up all hope it was too late. 

This expedition of Colonel Cavender which I have 
narrated above was in the latter part of July. 

Another instance : Dr. Frank G. Porter, a gentleman 
well known in St. Louis for truth and veracity, and who 
has served during the war with eminent ability as Sur- 
geon of Volunteers, informs me that he was requested 
by Lyon to represent his condition and wants to Fre- 
mont. Dr. Porter arrived in the city a few days after 
Colonel Cavender, and at once visited Quartermaster 
McKinstry. The doctor told McKinstry that, if Lyon 
could only get the Thirteenth Illinois (then at Rolla), 
and the Seventh Missouri (then at Boonville), he was 
confident of success in any encounter with the enemy. 
McKinstry did not seem at all anxious about the matter, 



318 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

and stated the impossibility of furnishing those regi- 
ments with transportation. He had plenty of mules, he 
said, but no wagons. The doctor then went to Fremont, 
and repeated substantially the information furnished by 
Cavender, and the memoranda furnished by Phelps, and 
told, in addition, that it was the intention of General 
Lyon to fight the enemy at Springfield. Fremont re- 
plied that, if General Lyon made the fight at Springfield, 
he must do it upon his own responsibility; General 
Lyon has his orders to fall back. 

FORSYTH AND DUG SPRINGS. 

On the 20th of July, General Lyon determined to 
break up the rebel recruiting rendezvous at Forsyth, a 
small town on "White river, and for that purpose dis- 
patched Sweeney with half of the First Iowa, several 
Kansas companies, and regulars enough to make a force 
of twelve hundred men, also one section of artillery. 
Sweeney accomplished the object of the expedition, cap- 
tured quite a number of prisoners, a large lot of quarter- 
master's stores, including quite a number of blankets, 
horses, and camp and garrison equipage. He then 
returned to Springfield, after destroying what he could 
not carry away. 

From his own scouts and from Union refugees, Gen- 
eral Lyon learned that McCulloch, with forces from 
Louisiana, Arkansas, and Texas, was moving toward 
Springfield, collecting recruits as he marched, and pre- 
paring for a junction with all the Missouri troops then in 
arms. To prevent this junction, and in the hope of so 
crippling McCulloch that he would gain time to increase 
his own strength, General Lyon concluded to move 
promptly upon the rebel column and give it battle. On 
Thursday, August 1, General Lyon moved out with his 
command, and encamped that night in the vicinity of 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 319 

Tyrel creek. On Friday he advanced to Dug Springs^ 
and obtained intelligence of the enemy. Dug Springs is 
some nineteen miles southwest of Springfield. While 
yet pressing forward, the Federal cavalry in advance 
fell into an ambuscade, and were surrounded by over- 
whelming numbers of rebel infantry. The cavalry con- 
sisted of only twenty-seven men, but they desperately 
fought their way out, with a loss of but five men, and 
their Lieutenant commanding. General Lyon rapidly 
moved up his artillery, and by a vigorous application of 
shell and shot soon put the rebels to flight. Lyon's 
infantry were not engaged. The rebels continued their 
flight southwardly to a point known as McCnllough's store 

On Saturday morning, General Lyon moved forward 
with great caution. On approaching Curran, the rebels 
were seen in force on the hillside immediately southwest 
of that place. Their advance was three thousand strong, 
under General Rains. General Lyon immediately formed 
his army for battle, and gave the order for an advance. 
Captain Dubois opened a splendid fire upon the enemy 
from his guns, and the rebels again fled. Lyon camped 
for the night at Curran. 

On Sunday morning, August 4, General Lyon called a 
council of war ; all the commanding officers of battalions, 
regiments, and corps were present. He stated to the 
council his force ; that he had no rations, only about one 
day's rations of bread ; that he would necessarily lose 
the command of the mills where he obtained supplies of 
bread, if he moved on ; that he would be reduced to salt 
and fresh beef, of whicli he could get a sufficient 
quantity ; and that Rains had been retreating before 
him, apparently luring him on. The unanimous vote of 
the council was that they should fall back. General 
Lyon stated the force of the enemy to be about fifteen 
thousand, but he fell short at least five thousand. Lyon 



320 

returned to Springfield on the morning of the 5th of 
August. 

FREMONT IN ST. LOUIS. 

« 

During all these critical days Lyon was passing in the 
Southwest, Fremont held forth in imperial state in the 
marble palace of the Brants, surrounded by obsequious 
officers and obedient gens cParmes. Special favors to 
Prussian and Hungarian admirers busily occupied the 
pen which should have been engaged in ordering 
re-enforcements to Lyon. Lyon was regarded as the out- 
post to the St. Louis battle-front. Barracks that should 
rival Versailles, for an army that should shame the allies 
of 1815 ; defenses that should engage the fancy of 
Kappner and Fiala ; employments at a profit satisfactory 
to Woods, and Palmer, and Castle, and Haskell ; regal 
display worthy of the vanity of an Austrian despot — 
these all, the order of the day. Governors danced 
attendance in the anterooms, among guards speaking 
only a foreign language. Refractory paymasters sur- 
rendered their funds at the point of the bayonet, but 
Lyon enjoyed none of the fruits thereof. Troops arrived 
and departed, but Lyon got none of them. Of all the 
" stupendous energy," and " wonderful systemization," 
and " marvelous transmission of electric force and vital- 
ity," which the satellites of the new commander boasted 
for their grand mogul, not one ounce of benefit accrued 
to that struggling and doomed band of Spartans at 
Springfield. Can it be possible, as it has been intimated 
to me, that the unfriendliness of McKinstry retarded 
the progress of Lyon ? No ! I can scarcely think so. 
Or, again, can it be that in the imperial palace of the 
Brants there was a colossal statue of Self, which shut 
out every other view, save the exceeding great glory of 
the Chief ? I can scarcely think this either. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 321 

While Lyon, by letters, and telegrams, and special mes- 
sengers besiesred General Fremont for his notice and 
favor, and received nothing in return, the eyes of Fre- 
mont were turned to Cairo and the Southeast. A " note " 
from General Prentiss, at Cairo, expressing apprehensions 
of an attack at Cape Girardeau or at Cairo, sent midnight 
lamps flitting hastily through the Brant palace, and 
steam armadas crowding to the threatened points. Troops 
were hastened to Cairo and to Pilot Knob, and a dis- 
patch from Colonel C. C. Marsh, at Cape Girardeau, call- 
ing for help, was immediately responded to by the fol- 
lowing : 
Colonel C. C. Marsh: 

I re-enforce you this morning with a heavy battery of 
twenty-fours and one regiment. General Prentiss re-en- 
forces you from below. Keep me posted. 

J. C. FREMONT, 
Major- General, Commanding. 

Lyon sent as follows : 

To General Fremont, at Cairo : 

St. Louis, August 3, 1861. 
General Lyon has sent a special messenger, Colonel 
Hammer, to say that he needs re-enforcements ; that Jack- 
son's army is in Jasper and adjacent counties, with not 
less than twenty thousand men ; that Lyon's force is not 
much more than one-fourth; that the inhabitants are 
moving this way as fast as their teams will carry them, 
leaving homes and crops desolated ; that, to insure a con- 
tinuous and safe transport of provisions and supplies, the 
road from Rolla should be well protected. I have refer- 
red him to Captain Kelton. 

E. M. DAVIS, 
Captain Staff of General Fremont. 

How was this treated ? In all this, note the dates. 

On the 5th of August, an order was issued to Captain 
Prince, at Fort Leavenworth, directing that the Third 
Kansas, Colonel Montgomery, should at once report to 
14* 



322 GEN. 

General Lyon. An order on the same date was also for- 
warded to Colonel Stevenson, Seventh Missouri Volun- 
teers, to report to Lyon with dispatch. 

Fremont, at this time, was at Cairo. Prentiss, tele- 
graphing danger, caused the bustle and turmoil I have 
described in the Brant palace; and on the 1st of Au- 
gust Fremont and his staff, occupying exclusively the 
splendid and capacious steamer City of Alton, led the 
van of eight steamboats, upon which were two Illinois 
regiments, one regiment from Iowa, one from Missouri, 
and Captain Buell's battery, six rifled cannon. Would 
to God that those regiments had been sent to Lyon! 
That hero would not have been sacrificed— Missouri would 
not have been scourged. 

Notwithstanding Phelps, and Cavender, andFarrar, and 
Marble, and Dr. F. G. Porter had all represented Lyon's 
danger and need, it was not until blood began to flow in 
southwestern battles that Colonel Hammer, as a last 
effort, sent to try and move Fremont to action, obtained 
for the General the least notice. And although Fremont 
had been fully informed, and could learn more from 
Colonel Hammer if he desired, he could find no other 
way to kill time but by the following : 

Headquarters, Western Department, ) 
St. Louis, August 6, 1861. j 
Colonel Wyman, Thirteenth Illinois, Holla : 

I send, by special engine, Mr. Edward H. Castle for 
any information you may have of General Lyon's po- 
sition. Mr. Castle will inform you of the progress Col- 
onel Stevenson has made, who, with his regiment, is on 
his way to General Lyon's camp. Communicate to me 
through Mr. Castle, who is instructed to return with 
any information you may have, all of which you may 
safely intrust to him. Inclosed letters to be forwarded 
as immediately as possible to General Lyon. 

J. C. FREMONT, 
Major- Gen eral, Cornn i an ding. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 323 

What could Colonel Wyman tell " Edward H. 
Castle "that Lyon's own messengers could not better 
tell to the great mogul himself? 

The frequent dispatches of the commanders at Cairo, 
Cape Girardeau, and Ironton proved to be all balder- 
dash ; and it seems singular that the department com- 
manders could have been so completely bewildered by 
these feints of the enemy. Every addition to the stock 
of information already at hand was more and more con- 
vincing that Lyon held the battle-front. But Stevenson 
and Montgomery never reached him. When the former 
got to Rolla, there was not even an apology for the want 
of transportation necessary to move his command. 
Lyon was left to his fate. 

The news from Cairo caused Fremont to telegraph to 
Governor Morton, of Indiana, for troops — not for Lyon, 
but for his expedition down the Mississippi. Gover- 
nor Morton returned the following : 

Indianapolis, August 4, 1861. 
Can send five regiments if leave is granted by the de- 
partment, as I am ordered to send them East as fast as 
ready. They are mostly river men, and are well adapted 
to your expedition. They have been promised rifles by 
the department, which have not arrived as yet. What 
kind of guns will you give them, and where are they at ? 
Will telegraph the department. O. P. MORTON. 
Major-General Fremont. 

General Fremont at once telegraphed Montgomery 
Blair to have those regiments ordered West immedi- 
ately ; also to Hon. James A. Scott, acting Secretary of 
War. 

Cairo, August 6, 1861. 
General Fremont : 

Colonel McArthur, with six companies and four pieces 
of artillerv, left for Cape Girardeau at half-past six 
o'clock, A.M. B. M. PRENTISS, 

General, Commanding. 



324 GEN. 

St. Louis, August 6, 1861. 
GeneralPnENTiss : 

Heavy battery of six twenty-four-pounders and one 
thousand men left at midnight for Girardeau, under an 
experienced officer. 

J. C. FREMONT, 
Major- General, Commanding. 

I can find no such promptness displayed for Lyon. 

LYON'S LAST DAYS AT SPRINGFIELD. 

August 9, 1861. — Lyon, no wonder, is much per- 
plexed. Something must be done. He knows the enemy 
is continually increasing in his front and drawing grad- 
ually nearer. His grand plan of making Springfield 
his base, and holding the enemy south of the Arkansas 
line, must be abandoned, for it is plain now he will 
receive no aid from the quarter whence he had, for some 
time, forced himself into the belief it would come. He 
is conscious of his own weakness. The Home Guards — 
Third and Fourth regiments— have left him to be mustered 
out. The regiments of Sigel and Salomon are much re- 
duced by withdrawals of the men, who will not re-enlist. 
The First Iowa are remaining only in expectancy of a 
fight, their term of service having expired. For this no 
thanks to any but themselves and Nathaniel Lyon : they 
will not leave without Lyon, and Lyon will not leave 
until it is demonstrated beyond all cavil he cannot stay. 

On the morning of the 9th, the General dispatched to 
Fremont the following communication : 

" General — I retired to this place, as I before in- 
formed you, reaching here on the 5th. The enemy 
followed to within ten miles of here. He has taken a 
strong position, and is recruiting his supply of horses, 
mules, and provisions by forages into the surrounding 
country, his large force of mounted men enabling him 
to do this without much annoyance from me. I find my 
position extremely embarrassing, and am at present 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 325 

unable to determine whether I shall be able to maintain 
my ground or be forced to retire. I can resist any attack 
from the front, but if the enemy move to surround me I 
must retire. I shall hold my ground as long as possible, 
though I may, without knowing how far, endanger the 
safety of my entire force, with its valuable material, 
being induced by the valuable considerations involved 
to take this step. The enemy showed himself in consid- 
erable force yesterday five miles from here, and has 
doubtless a full purpose of attacking me. 

"N. LYON, Commanding." 

After dispatching this note General Lyon received 
intelligence that one of his cavalry parties had been 
attacked by rebel cavalry, and after a brief fight had 
succeeded in driving away the enemy. He thereupon 
determined to send out a reconnoitering force for the 
purpose of ascertaining if any infantry were nearer than 
Wilson's Creek ; and for this purpose ordered Lieutenant- 
Colonel Andrews, First Missouri, to send a company to 
report to him immediately. The company selected was 
Company C, Captain G. Harry Stone. Upon receiving 
instructions Captain Stone departed upon his mission, 
accompanied by some fifteen United States dragoons. 
After a march of about four miles the Captain halted 
his infantry and moved on in advance with his cavalry. 
At the distance of a mile further a house was reached 
where were several cavalry-men, who fled upon the 
approach of the Federals. At the house Captain Stone 
learned that two of the recent visitors were Texans and 
two Tennesseans, and that infantry pickets of the enemy 
were some two miles off. The party then returned and 
reported to General Lyon. This information was the first 
Lyon had received of the junction of any of McCulloch's 
forces with Price and Rains, the question in his own 
mind being whether, as yet, any considerable body had 
effected the junction. He decided that whatever he 



326 

did must be done quickly, and at once summoned his 
commanders of regiments, battalions, and brigades, to 
meet him in council. 

The council of war (Sweeney not present) unanimously 
voted to return to Rolla. This movement was insisted 
upon on the ground that the force at hand was very 
small, that it was poorly equipped and had but a small 
supply of provisions. Besides, the enemy's cavalry could 
harass their rear and capture supply-trains, and there 
was but little prospect of being re-enforced before the 
impending fight. There was every indication that the 
rebels, in vastly overwhelming numbers, intended mov- 
ing upon Springfield, and if there was to be a fight it 
must necessarily be victory or annihilation. 

In the mind of Lyon all this was very plausible, but 
he gave the question a view from another stand-point. 
A stubborn contest would be a better guarantee for 
security in case of retreat. A bold dash, skillfully made, 
would astonish the enemy and bewilder his judgment, 
even though it might not succeed in routing him. Amid 
the confusion of the enemy consequent upon such a 
movement, the Union troops could safely retreat, where- 
as a retreat conducted as was proposed, with a power- 
ful and un whipped enemy pressing on the rear, might be 
the very means of our utter annihilation. He appreci- 
ated the great calamity that would befall that portion of 
the State if it were to pass into rebel hands — the en- 
forcement of a ruthless conscription in a country which 
the rebels must know they could not permanently 
occupy, unless they could extend their front to the Mis- 
sissippi and the Missouri — not only the awful destruc- 
tion which would ensue, but the large number of recruits 
such a course would give the rebels, from among those 
yet under the influence of Union arguments and force, 
within the Federal lines. Besides, Springfield was the 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 327 

place to defend St. Louis, and in event of being forced 
to retreat, that retreat could be made either upon Kan- 
sas City, Jefferson City, or Rolla. If Springfield were 
abandoned without a fight, it might seriously damage 
the }jrestige of the national arms. 

The conference adjourned, with the understanding 
there should be a retreat to Rolla. Orders were given 
to break up camp preparatory to a movement. 

Sweeney and Florence M. Cornyn (Surgeon of the 
First Missouri) learned of the contemplated movement, 
and in interviews •with Lyon strengthened the mind of 
the General in his individual views. Sweeney presented 
opinions which Lyon already entertained, and urged the 
latter not to commit so grave a mistake as to attempt a 
retreat under such circumstances. The two conversed for 
some time on the back porch of a dwelling Lyon was 
occupying at the time, and Lyon, after a short time 
engaged in talking the matter all over, retired to his 
little room and stretched himself upon his cot. The 
news of another cavalry skirmish was brought to him, 
and also other important information from scouts. 

Cornyn was equally impressed with the impossibility 
of successfully retreating one hundred and twenty miles 
before such great odds, so largely supplied with cavalry. 
The retreat would become a panic, and the loss of artil- 
lery and transportation would be the smallest portion of 
the disaster ; that the loss in men would not be near so 
much in a battle ; and that the encouragement given to 
the rebellion would be in proportion to our own demoral- 
ization. All this Lyon comprehended and believed. 

Everything is ready for a retreat. Baggage-wagons, 
quartermaster's and commissary stores all stowed away 
in wagons of each department; men were in line and 
arms stacked. Quartermaster Alexis Mudd repairs to 
headquarters, and, meeting General Lyon, inquires : 



328 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

" When do we start back, General ? " 

The General fixed his keen blue eyes upon the Quar 
termaster, and, in a quiet, but firm voice, replied : 

" When we are whipped bach. Not until then" 

Yes ! that is the order. No craven shrinking from 
imperative duty now. Let what will come, God is eter- 
nal, andjws£. 

When the army heard the order, they laudibly hoped 
to rival the spirit and determination of their commander. 

The order was for every man to be prepared to march at 
six o'clock that evening (August 9), without unnecessary 
luggage, and with all the ammunition that could be car- 
ried. In a council of officers, Sigel proposed his brigade 
(composed of his own regiment and Salomon's regiment) 
should move independently, and attack the enemy on the 
flank and rear. This proposition was unanimously con- 
demned, and General Lyon withheld his consent. After 
the breaking up of the council, Sigel induced Lyon to 
give him the authority to make the independent move- 
ment ; and Sigel received orders to move, with one thou- 
sand four hundred infantry, two companies of cavalry ? 
and six pieces of artillery, along the Fayetteville road ? 
until he should reach the right flank and rear of the 
enemy, when he should vigorously attack at full day- 
light. 

Lyon himself, with three thousand seven hundred men 
and ten pieces of artillery, took the Mount Vernon road ? 
with the intention of attacking the enemy on the left 
front and flank, as the nature of the ground would per- 
mit.* 



* ROSTER OP LTOK'S ARMY. AUGUST 9. 

General and Staff — Nathaniel Lyon, General Commanding ; I. F. Shep- 
ard, Lieutenant-Colonel and Aid-de-camp ; Horace A. Conant, Major and Act- 
ing Quartermaster ; Gordon Granger, Captain and Acting Assistant Adjutant- 
General; T. W. Sweeney, Captain and Insnector-Generul. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 329 

Iu this disposition of his forces, I contend General Lyon 
did perfectly right. To have allowed the enemy, with 
undivided attention, to have concentrated his overwhelm- 
ing strength upon the front and flanks would have been 
the sure guarantee of complete destruction to our little 
band. Lyon relied upon the movement in nowise as a 
feint, but ns an active, vital necessity, and intended for 
fight, sharp, earnest, and stubbornly meant for victory. 
Had the fight been as determined and as skillfully man- 
aged as that on which his own eyes rested, the results 
would have proved the success, as they did, even under 
the discouraging and disastrous circumstances, the wis- 
dom, of his plans. Sigel was defeated and lost his artil- 
lery ; but the enemy were confused in their calculations, 
and were deprived of half their genuine strength as 
against Lyon. 

THE NIGHT BEFORE THE BATTLE. 

Lyon marched out from Springfield at dark (as did 

Brigade Commanders— Brigadier-General Franz Sigel, Missouri Volun- 
teers ; Major Samuel D. Sturgis, First United States Cavalry. 

Cavalry— Company B, First Cavalry, Lieutenant Canfield ; Company C, First 
Cavalry, Lieutenant M. J. Kelly ; Company D, First Cavalry, Lieutenant M. 
W. Henry ; Company I, Captain Milton T. Carr ; Company C, First Dragoons, 
Lieutenant C. E. Farrand ; Company C, First Dragoons, Lieutenant San 
ford ; Squadron First Kansas Dragoons, Captain Wood. 

Artillery— Totten's Battery, six pieces, Captain James Totten ; Dubois' 
Battery, six pieces, Lieutenant J. V. D. Dubois ; Sigel's Battery, six pieces, 
Captain Scbaeffer. 

Infantry — First United States, four companies, Captain J. B. Plummer ; 
Second United States, two companies, Captain Fredr K. Steele; First 
Missouri Volunteers, Lieutenant-Colonel G. L. Andrews ; Second Missouri 
Volunteers, two companies, Major P. J Osterhaus; Third Missouri Volun- 
teers, Major Backoff; Fifth Missouri Volunteers, Colonel Salomon; First 
Iowa Volunteers, Lieutenant-Colonel Merritt; First Kansas Volunteers, 
Lieutenant-Colonel Learned; Second Kansas Volunteers, Colonel Robert M. 
Mitchell. 

The above comprises a force of five thousand three hundred men, actually 
engaged in the operations of the 10th of August . Deduct from that about one 
thousand four hundred men under Sigel, and it gave Lyon only three thousand 
nine hundred men under his immediate command. There were some five 
hundred Home Guards on duty in Springfield and elsewhere. 



330 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

also Sigel from his own camp), and at one o'clock halted 
his men within two miles of the rebel camp. The latter 
were little thinking their foe was so near, as they confi- 
dently relied upon going into Springfield itself, to meet 
him on the very morrow. Where they halted the Fed- 
erals rested. Notwithstanding the drizzling rain, each 
man threw himself upon the ground — many slept. It 
was known that, with the breaking of day, there was 
to be a bloody and desperate fight, but the rear guard 
announced no stragglers— no disposition to straggle. 
Every man seemed to feel that the morrow's battle was 
to be the initiatory battle of a war which none could 
imagine where would be the end. Perhaps they were 
nerved to greater deeds by the recollection of that bloody 
farce at " Bull Run ;" and they probably dreamed that 
they, away off there in interior Missouri, beyond tele- 
graphs and railroads, were destined to give another phase 
to American character. Certain it is that most of them 
were within sight of their homes, and the spires of their 
own churches, pointing to heaven, bade them have trust 
in Him, in whose hands are the issues of every time. If 
they were conquered, there remained no barrier between 
the rebel incendiary and their own property. If they 
were conquered, Missouri were laid waste, and the crack 
of the overseer's whip would drown down the swelling 
music of a Christian civilization. They rested, though, 
very quietly that night— those modern Greeks, upon that 
modern Marathon. 

But that great leader, what of him ? Did he sleep ? 
Was he, too, allowed a habitation in that delightful 
dreamland, where the wand of some mythic Prospero 
could exorcise into darkness the ghouls and genii of dis- 
appointment and blasted hopes ? Or did he need the 
aid of sleep to quiet gloomy forebodings and mutterings 
of despair? Not he. Necessity prohibited even the 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 331 

lighting of a match or a pipe ; with equal emphasis she 
commanded the most perfect silence. In this, the supe- 
rior was as completely subject as was the subordinate. 
As the coming day crowded midnight into the past, the 
weary eyelids fell, and the patriot was in peaceful sleep. 
Who is there in that bivouac among those belted knights, 
having knowledge of him of old, would accuse that sleep 
of being disturbed by other than sweetest dreams, or, 
even in waking, would suspect that mind preoccupied 
by other than the loftiest thoughts ? Nature in that hour 
was in harmony with the occasion : the falling drops of 
rain were as so many tears shed in bitterest anguish over 
the necessities of time. She would not mock the moments 
preceding such a sacrifice by a sky tinged with a silvery 
hue and all illuminate with its stars. 

It is said that on the march he had, in a somewhat 
sorrowful but by no means despondent manner, hinted 
of a presentiment, and had expressed a doubt as to his 
surviving the battle ; but of the non-accomplishment of 
his designs in that conflict he never for a moment ex- 
pressed any apprehensions. He had relied upon the 
promises of Fremont, as brought to him by Cavender 
and others, until he began to feel he was hoping against 
fate. And it has been told me that, when he heard of 
the Cairo armada, he surrendered, and not until then, 
all expectations of being attended to. Then it was too 
late to retreat — it was too late to stay. With his force 
he could not expect victory ; and all he could do was in 
a heroic effort to so cripple his antagonist that that antag- 
onist could not pursue him to his cover. The only safe 
way to Rolla was through the decimated ranks of his 
foe, over ground sanctified by battle. 

He had great confidence in his little army. He did not 
ask Fremont to strengthen him so he could outnumber 
his foe ; he only asked that he might have half, or at 



332 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

most two-thirds, as many as his enemy. He valued a 
company of his regulars equal to a regiment of the rebels. 
That his men could become panic-stricken, or could pos- 
sibly fail to seriously cripple the enemy so as to make 
retreat practicable and safe, seemed to him impossible. 
He said to Conant that his men could not be whipped. 
He agreed with Sweeney that a prompt and vigorous 
movement would enable him to meet the enemy in detail, 
and possibly thus crush him. He could not know that 
the enemy was at that very time also active, was massed 
very near him, and impatiently waiting for the morrow, 
to overwhelm him. The facts of history prove " Wilson's 
Creek " to have been a fatality. 

I have said that Lyon was a man of great faith. 
Perhaps in the orthodox sense he was not, and some 
professor of a creed may confound my idea of this feeling 
in Lyon with confidence. But it was faith. He believed 
in the ultimate triumph of good. He regretted the tre- 
mendous obstacles already in the way of Union success 
by official jealousies, antipathies, and imbecilities ; but if 
he anticipated temporary disaster because of these, it 
would only be to wash these all away, and substitute 
therefor the right and true. Under these agencies the 
cause would finally triumph. To him that cause was the 
holiest for which man had ever engaged in battle. The 
government on whose side he was arrayed was the 
work of the good men of all the ages. It had grown out 
of the blood of martyrs and the fires of persecution, 
hastened by the mistakes of statesmen, and the might of 
peoples. He called this Union " the Ark of the Cove- 
nant." It was not that here nature had exhausted 
herself, and had chiseled out unappreciable beauties ; 
not merely that his native land was magnificent with 
forest, and prairie, and mountain — with Mammoth Cave, 
and Niagara, and ocean-lined — whose northern limit 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 333 

greeted the polar realms, and whose southern border 
lay exposed to the enchantments of a climate burdened 
with the gorgeous elegance of the tropics — not these 
the sources of inspiration which moved Nathaniel Lyon. 
He valued this Union not as an agreement, but a growth 
— not for the sole purpose of commercial benefit, but for 
human progress. To him it had a sacred as well as a 
political significance — an Eden, where spirit " as such " 
should find its fullest expression, no martyrdom threaten 
the sublime manifestations of virtue, no bloody guillotine 
seize upon the advancing thinker. It was " a govern- 
ment by the people, of the people, for the people," which 
had been heralded by psalm-singing dissenters on " bleak, 
wintry coast of Massachusetts," and ushered into exist- 
ence by immortal declaration, amid the ringing of 
" independence bells, " and hallelujahs from so-called 
Yankee bigots, who died at Lexington, at Concord, and 
at Bunker Hill. 



At daylight the little army was on the march 
toward the foe. After proceeding about a mile the 
rebel pickets were captured. Then a detour to the 
right, and Lyon marched until he estimated he had 
reached the rebel left; he then made directly for the 
enemy. The topography of the country was much 
broken — a series of hills, through which meandered a 
little stream, which the people in the neighborhood had 
dignified by the name of " creek." This creek, Wilson's 
Creek, was fordable anywhere, and on either side the 
bottom-lands were covered with forest, save here and 
there a cornfield, as the width would justify, but at 
places the base of the hills skirted the creek itself. Lyon 
approached the creek through a piece of woods, between 
which and the former there intervened a cornfield of 



334 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

considerable size. Here were first encountered the rebel 
cavalry camps of Carroll and Mcintosh, which were 
soon cleared by the regulars under Captains Fred. K. 
Steele and J. B. Plummer ; Plummer, turning to the left, 
swept across the cornfield until near the Fayetteville 
road again, where he was confronted by rebel regiments 
under Hebert and McKea, supported by Woodruff's Ar- 
kansas battery, the very battery which Totten had surren- 
dered at Little Rock. All through the battle these regu- 
lars, in one body, under officers since become renowned, 
fought most desperately, and, supported only by Dubois' 
battery, maintained their position against greatly over- 
whelming odds. Each company or battalion of regu- 
lars seemed to fight a battle by itself, and Plummer, 
advancing beyond and to the left of the balance of his 
comrades, became almost completely surrounded by 
thousands upon thousands of the enemy.* 

Lyon himself, with the " volunteers " portion of the 
army, moved still further to the right, crossed the creek, 
and gained the summit of a hill immediately adjoining. 
This hill graduated by successive steppes to the creek, and 
was ribbed perpendicularly by ravines, which had been 
cut into its sides by the descending rains of centuries. 
The First Missouri was ordered forward to support Tot- 
ten's battery, with Captain Cavender and Captain Yates 
(First Missouri), with their companies, on either side as 
flankers. During the entire battle these companies 
maintained a continual fire, and at one time so threaten- 
ing did affairs appear in Cavender's front that a com- 
pany of the First Iowa was sent to his support. It was 
not long before Totten, Dubois, and Sokalski were in 
position and engaged to their utmost ability. Each 
regiment fought battles by itself against vast odds of 

* Read testimony of J. B. Plummer. See Appendix. 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 335 

the enemy ; and as rebel regiments approached at some 
defenseless point, single companies only were detached 
from their regiments to resist their advance. The bat- 
talion (two companies) under Osterhaus maintained 
position on the right, and resisted some terrible efforts 
of the enemy to break through his line. The battle 
commenced at a quarter past five, A.M., and closed at 
half-past eleven, A.M., the Federals in advance of every 
position they had assumed during the day. 

It is utterly impossible to give a detailed account of 
the battle of Wilson's Creek. I have added in an Appen - 
dix the reports of Major Sturgis and Colonel Sigel, and 
subjoining this a statement by Lieutenant Wherry, who 
was active upon the field as an aid to General Lyon; 
also in the Appendix the evidence of Captain Plummer, 
before the Committee on the Conduct of the War. There 
is not the least doubt but that the Federals won a com- 
plete victory. When the battle ceased, some of the 
First Missouri were in the midst of the burning camps of 
the enemy. The latter had burned his wagon-train, and 
was in full retreat, which Federal pursuit would have 
turned into complete rout. Sweeney and Gordon Gran- 
ger urged an advance, but Sturgis peremptorily ordered 
the victorious army to retreat to Springfield. 

DEATH OF LYON. 

But where is Lyon ? At the commencement of the 
battle General Lyon superintended personally the plac- 
ing of batteries in position, and arranged the construc- 
tion of his line of battle. Holding the First Iowa and 
Second Kansas Infantry in reserve, he devoted himself 
to the management of the contest. He was everywhere, 
cheering on his men by encouraging words, supporting 
them by his reserves where support was needed. So 
closely were the contending lines to each other, and so 



336 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

near to his own front was Lyon, that he had dismounted, 
in order to avoid falling a victim to the accurate aim of 
some rebel sharpshooter. At a time when our men 
were staggering under the effects of a terrific fire, pour- 
ing death and dismay in our ranks, Lyon was engaged 
in preventing increasing desertions from the line by 
soldiers who had fought bravely until then. While 
thus engaged, rallying, exhorting, encouraging, his horse 
was shot dead beside him, and himself wounded in the 
leg and head. Somewhat stunned and bewildered, 
many of our men seeking the rear, the rebel fire increas- 
ing in fierceness, he retired a few paces with the horse 
that Sturgis had left him, and expressed the fear that 
the day was lost. From the effect of the wound he 
recovered in a moment, and, mounting his horse, exhila- 
rated the men around him by his animated manner. 
" General, you are hurt, and ought to be attended to," 
said Sweeney. Replied Lyon "Oh, this is nothing." 
To Schofield, who said he ought not to so expose him- 
self, he replied : " I am but doing my duty." Rebel 
regiments approached to attack— there were only com- 
panies to interpose as obstacles. At a right angle to his 
left, a body of infantry approached, which he mistook 
for Sigel's column, and he rode forward to ascertain. 
Discovering his mistake, he hastened to bring forward 
the First Iowa to resist the purposed attack of the 
rebels. " Who will lead us ? " cried several of the regi- 
ment, whose colonel was not with them. Responded 
Lyon : " I will lead you ! Onward, brave boys of Iowa ! " 
Hastening along to the left of the regiment, he rode for- 
ward, waving his hat in encouragement to the men, bat 
a rebel bullet pierced his heart, and he fell to the ground, 
insensible. In a moment his faithful Lehman had raised 
the body, and with assistance bore it to the rear. He 
died in victory — the rebel columns fell away before the 



axd Missouri ix 1861. 337 

impetuous valor of the Federals. Iowa, Kansas, Mis- 
souri, and the regulars, all, struggled to outdo each 
other in heroism, and the field was clear of the foe. 

I am allowed to publish the following correspondence, 
furnishing some few particulars of the battle of Wilson's 
Creek. Major Wherry was an aid-de-camp to General 
Lyon, and has since served with distinction on the staff 
of General Schofield. 

Jejfferson Barracks, Mo., ) 
April 16, 1866. j 

Sir — In compliance with your request to furnish you 
with my recollections of the battle of Wilson's Creek, I 
offer you the following, remarking, however, by way of 
preface, that my time is so much occupied (being under 
marching orders) I cannot make it as elaborate as I 
would wish. 

On the evening of the 9th of August, 1861, General 
Lyon marched with his command, consisting of about five 
thousand three hundred men, with three batteries of artil- 
lery (sixteen guns) to attack the rebel position at Wil- 
son's Creek, under command of McCulloch and Price. 

Colonel Sigel's attack on the right was a complete sur- 
prise, and drove the enemy from the field at once ; but 
his men were permitted to enter the camps, and while 
indulging in plundering, were in turn attacked by the 
enemy, who had recovered from their surprise and 
re-formed. Sigel's men were driven from the field, with 
the loss of many men, and five from the six guns of his 
battery. The remaining gun was saved by Lieutenant 
Farrand, of the Eleventh Infantry, in charge of a com- 
pany of cavalry, who collected Sigel's stragglers and 
brought them in, passing entirely around the rebel rear. 
General Sigel, with a small escort, went to Springfield, 
where he arrived at about two P.M., and went to bed. 

General Lyon's attack on the left was made by bringing 
into action the First Missouri Infantry, two companies 
of infantry under Major Osterhaus, andTotten's battery. 
This force met with great resistance. The First Kansas 
was immediately brought up, and subsequently the Sec- 
ond Kansas and First Iowa. 
15 ' 



338 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

About nine or half-past nine o'clock, A.M., there was 
a lull in the fight, which up to this time had been carried 
on with great fierceness by the troops under General 
Lyon's immediate command — the General's horse having 
been killed, and himself wounded in the head and leg. 
Major Schofield, his chief of staff, also had his horse 
killed under him. During this lull the enemy appeared 
to be reorganizing, and Lyon concentrated his own forces 
into a more compact form on the crest of the ridge. 
The enemy made an attack from the east upon our left, 
and Schofield led the First Iowa to repel it. Lyon rode 
with the file-closers on the right of the battalion, and I 
accompanied him ; only about eight orderlies made up 
his escort. After we had advanced a short distance, I 
observed a line of men in order of battle — to me appar- 
ently rebels — drawn up at right angles to our charging 
column. We had had no news from Sigel during the 
morning — his men were dressed very much in the same 
uniform as the rebels — and as we were expecting a junc- 
tion with Sigel at the time, it was at first supposed by 
many of our own officers to be his men ; but after I called 
General Lyon's attention to the line, he stopped and 
rode toward them. Three officers advanced, and asked 
who we were. Lyon ordered us to draw our pistols, 
which we did. I asked if troops ought not to be ordered 
up. He then sent me for the Second Kansas, which was 
only about one hundred yards from us. I rode to the 
regiment and delivered the order. It was advanced 
promptly. I went with the line of file-closers. Imme- 
diately after getting into action, General Lyon's body 
was brought to me through the ranks by his servant 
Lehman and a party of soldiers, the face uncovered, and 
Lehman crying and making a great noise. Apprehensive 
that the troops might be unduly influenced by the knowl- 
edge of the death of their General, I ordered the face to 
be covered, and that secrecy should be observed as to 
Lyon's death. The body was placed in safety, and I 
went to find Schofield. When he and I got back, there 
were several other officers about the body, among whom 
were Surgeon Cornyn and Major Sturgis. The body 
was taken to a place selected as a hospital, and placed in 
an ambulance, with positive orders that in no ease was 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861 , 339 

it to be removed from the vehicle. By somebody's order 
it was taken from the ambulance, and left on the field. 
When the battle was ended, and we had moved back 
about a mile and taken a new position, it was discovered 
that General Lyon's body had been left ; and Lieutenant 
Canfield was sent back, with a company of cavalry, under 
a flag of truce, to get the remains. I don't think there 
was any necessity for a flag of truce, as from the best 
information I have the enemy (unless it may have been 
a few stragglers) was further from the field than we 
were. The body was recovered, however, and brought 
into Springfield at about nine o'clock, P.M., and was 
decently laid out in the house which he had occupied as 
his headquarters. When the army moved the next day, 
it was left there, but Mrs. Phelps (wife of Hon. John S. 
Phelps) was asked to look after it, which she did in the 
kindest and tenderest manner, and had it interred in her 
garden. Subsequently it was exhumed, by flag of truce, 
and taken, with military honors, to his family home, and 
again interred. 

A council of war was called immediately upon the 
return of the army to Springfield (about seven or eight 
o'clock, P.M.), by Major Sturgis, who was found to be the 
ranking officer present on the field, after the fall of Lyon, 
and who commanded till that time. When Colonel SigeL 
appeared at the council, it was supposed he ranked, and 
the command was turned over to him. The council 
determined to leave Springfield the next morning at about 
three o'clock, and retreat toward Rolla. Reveille was to 
be sounded at two A.M., but Sigel's troops were permitted 
to remain quiet until aroused by Major Schofield, about 
four o'clock, A.M., and the consequence was, the rear of 
the troops did not leave the town until nine o'clock. The 
enemy entered it about noon ; very cautiously, however. 

We inarched to Sand Spring (twenty miles) in time to 
get into camp by dark. Sigel marched with his old brigade 
seven miles further, leaving Sturgis with the other troops 
and all the train (near four hundred, excepting about 
twenty wagons containing ammunition) there. The next 
day, when we reached Sigel's camp, his men were just feed- 
ing their animals, and had not breakfasted. We were com- 
pelled to stop just beyond their front till his men were 



340 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

ready to march, and had marched past us, when we kept 
the rear, moving about fourteen miles only, and our rear 
not getting into camp before ten or eleven P.M. The 
officers becoming dissatisfied with the manner of march 
and slow progress, urged Sturgis to assume command, on 
the ground that he was senior in command, Sigel having 
no command at all. A council was called next day 
after the march ended (August 13), and Sturgis was 
decided to be ranking officer, and he at once assumed 
command. From that time we marched from twenty to 
twenty-two miles, and encamped at about three o'clock 
each day, arriving in Rolla on the evening of the 1 7th 
day of August, 1861 

Lyon was always nervous, yet his great energy and 
untiring zeal buoyed him up, although he lost much phys- 
ical strength by waste ; so that on this, his last great 
occasion, his body was hardly equal to the heavy task 
imposed upon him by those who either willfully or stu- 
pidly deserted him in an hour of peril. Heroically he 
was pursuing his purpose, and was driving a beaten 
enemy to the wall. Where he needed, and had a 
right to expect, a hearty support, he met with cruel 
neglect. The golden opportunity was slipping fast, and, 
despairing of assistance, he resolved to do his best. * * * 
After he was twice wounded and the fortunes of the day 
seemed so exceedingly desperate, I am confident he lost 
much of his manly fortitude, and with it that clear per- 
ception. He threw himself in the way of danger ; not as 
a suicide, but reckless of consequences, and the result is 
known. 

Yours truly, 

WM. M„ WHERRY, 
First Lieutenant Thirteenth United States Infantry^ 
and Brevet Major United States Army. 

Colonel James Peckham, St. Louis. 

wilson's creek a victory. 

The battle of Wilson's Creek was more than a victory ; 
it was a most complete success in every point. The 
enemy was driven from the field ; was forced to burn a 



AND MISSOURI IK 1861. 341 

large amount of his camp and garrison equipage ; was 
forced to destroy and burn the larger portion of his 
train, and did not pause in his flight until he ascertained 
he was in no danger of being pursued. Major Sturgis, 
succeeding Lyon in command, has given in his report his 
own version of the necessities for a Federal retreat ; but, 
in the opinion of able men, expressed to him at the time, 
he could have completely routed and captured the 
greater part of the rebels, had he pursued. Sweeney 
insisted upon pursuit.* Gordon Granger also rode up to 
Sturgis, and remarked that there was not an enemy in 
sight, and that the retreating foe, who was burning his 
train, ought to be pursued. Replied Sturgis : " I order 
you to leave the field."f The brave Surgeon Cornyn 
also insisted upon pursuit. Major Sturgis, though, may 
have been justified in retreating, which he did in perfect 
safety, clear on to Rolla. Thus the object for the fight 
was secured. But I venture to affirm that, had Lyon 
been alive, Springfield would have continued in Federal 
possession, as well as the territory close up to the Arkan- 
sas line. Captain Plummer, TJ. S. A., afterward a 
Brigadier-General, in his report before the War Com- 
mittee,;]; sustained Lyon fully in his plan, as does also 
every officer of acknowledged sense and impartiality. 
The retreat to Rolla is further confirmed a mistake by 
the rebel chief himself. 

Ben McCulloch, in an article published in the Rich- 
mond (Va.) Whig in reply to an attack made upon him 
by J. W. Tucker, said: "Immediately after the battle 
was over, and, in truth, before all my forces had 
returned from the pursuit of the enemy, orders were 
issued for the wounded to be brought from the battle- 



* I have General Sweeney's word for this statement, 
t This is related to me by Colonel John S. Cavender. 
$ Report of War Committee, Part III , 1863. 



342 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

field, the dead to be buried, and the array to be ready to 
march after the enemy that night. 

" We did not march for the want of ammunition. Sev- 
eral of my officers informed me (when they heard of 
the order) that some of their men had fired their last 
cartridge at the enemy, as we had only twenty-five 
rounds to the man before the battle began, and no more 
within hundreds of miles. After a conference with 
General Price, it was thought best to let well enough 
alone." 



And the news reaching St. Louis August 13, 1861, was 
carried in telegraphic haste into the very mansion of 
the Brants, the marble palace of the great military 
Mogul of the "Department of the West." His Great- 
ness read the dispatch, and at once all other business 
gave way before the exigencies of the hour. Lyon alive, 
calmly yet firmly and persistently sending written notes, 
special envoys, telegraphic messages, official reports, 
was treated with silent contempt and neglect ; but now 
Lyon dead became eloquent with warning and inspiration 
to the mighty Fremont. Instantly all is energy in the 
Brant mansion. Awake now to action, O hero (of no 
battle) ! Lyon is no longer a rival. Set your telegraph- 
ers to work now, night and day, pouring the story of 
your necessities into the gubernatorial chambers else- 
where, and into the Cabinet caucus at Washington. Be 
quick, or the rebel may soon demand from you the mar- 
ble palace in which you live. Therefore bestir yourself. 

Yes, all is action, energy, now. To the Governors of 
Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Iowa, Wisconsin went the follow- 
ing telegram: 

" Severe engagement near Springfield reported ; 
General Lyon killed; Sigel retreating in good order 



AND MISSOURI IN 1861. 343 

on Rolla. Send forthwith all disposable force you 
have, arming them as you best can for the moment. 
Use utmost dispatch. J. C. FREMONT, 

Major- General, Commanding. 
St. Louis, August 13. 

In addition: To the Governor of Iowa : " Order War- 
ren?8 cavalry here at once." To the Governor of Ohio : 
" Have the Groesbeck regiment ordered here forthwith." 
To the President : " Will the President read my urgent 
dispatch to the Secretary of War f " To Montgomery 
Blair : " See instantly my dispatch to the Secretary of 

War." To Hon. Thomas A. Scott, Assistant Secretary of 
War : " Wdl you order company of regular artillery at 

Cincinnati to report to me forthwith, together with the 
battery at Bellair f" To General Prentiss, after reciting 
the news : " lam sending re-enforcements to Rolla" To 
Hon. T A. Scott : " I require this week three million dol- 
lars for Quartermaster's Departments 

All these, and more also, on the 13th of August, 1861, 
immediately upon the receipt of Lyon's death. 

And also this • 

[Disposition for the Protection of St. Louis.] 

August 13, 1861. 

In Lafayette Park a camp is to be established for a regi- 
ment. 

The heavy guns to be put in position, and a regiment 
encamped under the reservoir. 

On the height south of the arsenal, called Jacques' 
Garden, two guns with a howitzer to be planted. 

The Third and Fourth Home Guards to be paid off, and 
organized immediately. The First and Second, and also 
the Fifth Home Guards, also to be paid upon the arrival 
of Lieutenant-Colonel Rombauer, from Bird's Point. 

Martial law to be proclaimed at once. 

Captain Kowald's artillery company, one hundred 
strong, to be fitted out immediately, and the company 
from Belleville to be ordered in. Captain Voerster's and 
Center's pioneers to be completed, and set at work in the 
fortifications. Laborers also to be employed. 

J. C. FREMONT, 
Major- General Commanding, 



344 GEN. NATHANIEL LYON, 

At the same time plans were arranged and orders 

issued for a " Disposition for the State" 

On the 1 4th, the following telegram went forth : 
"To Hon. Montgomery Blair: — I have made a loan 

from the banks here. Send money. It is a moment for 

the Government to put forth its poiver" 

How were all these telegrams received ? Let us see : 
Washington, August 14, 1861. 

Your message to President read. Positive orders 
were given yesterday to Governor Dennison, and to Gov- 
ernors of Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan, to send all their 
organized forces, with full supply of artillery and small 
arms. Governor Dennison replies: The Groesbeck regi- 
ment will be promptly forwarded. 

SIMON CAMERON. 
To General Fremont. 

Washington, August 15, 1861. 
Been answering your messages ever since day before 
yesterday. Do you receive the answers? The War 
Department has notified all the Governors you designate 
to forward all available force. So telegraphed you. 
Have you received these messages ? Answer imme- 
diately. A. LINCOLN. 
To Major-General Fremont. 

Washington, August 16, 1861. 
Every available man and all the money in the public 
chest have been sent. We will send more money imme- 
diately, our financial arrangements at New York having 
been perfected. Let our fellows cheer up. All will be 
well. M. BLAIR. 

To General Fremont. 

Why was not this energy put forth before Lyon was 
sacrificed ? Now no rival is in the way, and Missouri is 
surfeited with troops. McKinstry of a sudden begins to 
fulfill the order of July 6, requiring him to furnish all 
the transportation Lyon needed. 

And the dead hero was borne in stately pomp through 
populous cities; through St. Louis, Cincinnati, Pitts- 



AND MISSOURI IN 18G1. 345 

burg, Harrisburg, Philadelphia, New York, Hartford, 
to Eastford, Wyndham county, Connecticut, where the 
final funeral obsequies were had over the body of the 
slain. Governors of States, the dignitaries of the nation 
and of the municipalities through which the cortege 
passed, the sovereign people, venerable statesmen and 
divines, all stepped forward with sorrowing hearts to 
consign the mortal remains of the patriot to the grave. 
He was buried in the graveyard at Phcenixville, two 
and a half miles distant from Eastford, amid ceremonies 
which were attended by an immense concourse of citi- 
zens and strangers. 
Requiescat in pace. 

IN MEMORIAM. 

The following resolutions, introduced in the national 
House of Representatives by his friend and confidant, 
Colonel F. P. Blair Jr., were adopted by Congress unani- 
mously ; they speak the voice of the nation : 

"Resolved, By the Senate and .House of Representatives 
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 
That Congress deems it just and proper to enter upon 
its records a recognition of the eminent and patriotic 
services of the late Brigadier-General Nathaniel Lyon. 
The country to whose service he devoted his life will 
guard and preserve his fame as a part of its own glory. 

"Second, That the thanks of Congress are hereby given 
to the brave officers and soldiers who, under the com- 
mand of the late General Lyon, sustained the honor of 
the flag and achieved victory against overwhelming 
numbers at the battle of Springfield, in Missouri ; and 
that, in order to commemorate an event so honorable to 
the country and to themselves, it is ordered that each regi- 
ment engaged shall be authorized to bear upon its colors 
the word ' Springfield,' embroidered in letters of gold. 
And the President of the United States is hereby re- 
quested to cause these resolutions to be read at the head 
of every regiment in the army of the United States." 
15* 



APPENDIX. 



OFFICIAL REPORT OF MAJOR STURGIS, OF THE BAT- 
TLE OF WILSON'S CREEK, AUGUST 10, 1861. 

Headquarters Army op the West, i 

Camp " Cary Gratz," near Roll a, Mo., \ 

August 20, 1861. 

Sir — I have the honor to submit the following report of the 
battle of Springfield, fought on the 10th instant, on Wilson's 
Creek, some ten miles south of the city, between the United 
States troops under General Lyon and the rebel forces under 
McCulloch. On the 9th instant, General Lyon came to the determ- 
ination of attacking the enemy's camp, and, accordingly, dispo- 
sitions were made on the forenoon of that day for an attack at 
daylight next morning. The command was to move in two 
columns, composed as follows, viz. : 

The first, under General Lyon, consisted of one battalion of 
regular infantry, under Captain Plummer ; Companies B, C, and 
D, First Infantry, Captains Gilbert, Plummer, and Huston, with 
one company of rifle recruits under Lieutenant Wood; Major 
Osterhaus' battalion, Second Missouri Volunteers, two comijanies ; 
Captain Totten's light battery, six pieces ; and Captain Wood's 
mounted company of Second Kansas Volunteers, with Lieuten- 
ant Caulfields Company B, First United States Cavalry. This 
constituted the Fn-st Brigade, under Major Sturgis. 

The Second Brigade, under Lieutenant-Colonel Andrews, 
First Missouri Volunteers, was composed of Captain Steele's 
battalion of regulars; Companies B and E, Second Infantry; 
one company of recruits, under Lieutenant Lothrop, Fourth 
Artillery; one company of recruits, under Sergeant Morine; 
Lieutenant Dubois' light battery, consisting of four pieces, 
one of which was a twelve-pound gun, and the First Regi- 
ment of Missouri Volunteers. 



350 APPENDIX. 

The Third Brigade was made up of the First and Second 
Kansas Volunteers, under Deitzler, Colonel Mitchell command- 
ing the latter regiment. The First Regiment Iowa Volunteers, 
with some two hundred Home Guards (mounted), completed the 
column under General Lyon. 

The second column, under Colonel Sigel, consisted of the 
Third and Fifth Regiments Missouri Volunteers ; one company 
of cavalry, under Captain Carr ; one company of Second Dra- 
goons, under Lieutenant Farrand (First Infantry) ; and one light 
battery of six pieces. This column was to march by a road on 
the left of the main Cassville road, and leading to the supposed 
right of the enemy's position. Here my official information of 
the movements of Colonel Sigel's column ceases, as we have not 
been able to procure any written report of its operations. 

General Lyon marched from Springfield at five o'clock, P.M., on 
the 9th, making a detour to the right, at one o'clock in the 
morning arriving in view of the enemy's guard-fires. Here the 
column halted, and lay on their arms until the dawn of day, 
when it again moved forward. Captain Gilbert's company, 
which had formed the advance during the night, still remained 
in advance, and the column moved in the same order in which 
it had halted. 

A southeasterly direction was now taken, with a view to 
strike the extreme northern point of the enemy's camp. At 
daylight a line of battle was formed, closely followed by Tot- 
ten's battery, supported by a strong reserve. In this order we 
advanced, with skirmishers in front, until the first outpost of 
the rebels was encountered and driven in, when the column was 
halted, and the following dispositions made, viz. : Captain 
Plummer's battalion, with the Home Guards on his left, were to 
cross Wilson's Creek, and move toward the front, keeping 
pace with the advance on the opposite bank, for the pur- 
pose of protecting our left flank against any attempt of the 
enemy to turn it. After crossing a ravine and ascending a 
high ridge, we came in full view of a considerable force of 
the enemy's skirmishers. Major Osterhaus' battalion was at 
once deployed to the right, and two companies of the First Mis- 
souri Volunteers, under Captains Yates and Cavender, were 
deployed to the left, all as skirmishers. The firing now became 



APPENDIX. 351 

very severe, and it was evident we were approaching the ene- 
my's stronghold, where they intended giving battle. A few 
shells from Totten's battery assisted our skirmishers in clearing 
the ground in front. 

The First Missouri and First Kansas moved at once to the 
front, supported by Totten's battery, and the First Iowa, Du- 
bois' battery, Steele's battalion, and the Second Kansas were 
held in reserve. The First Missouri now took its position in 
front, upon the crest of a small elevated plateau. The First 
Kansas was posted on the left of the First Missouri, and sepa- 
rated from it some sixty yards, because of a ravine. The First 
Iowa took its position on the left of the First Kansas, while 
Totten's battery was placed opposite the interval between the 
First Kansas and the First Missouri. Major Osterhaus' bat- 
talion occupied the extreme right, with his right resting on a 
ravine which turned abruptly to our right and rear. Dubois' 
battery, supported by Steele's battalion, was placed some 
eighty yards to the left and rear of Totten's guns, so as to bear 
upon a powerful battery of the enemy, posted opposite our left 
and front, on the opposite side of Wilson's Creek, to sweep the 
entire plateau upon which our troops were formed. 

The enemy now rallied in large force at the foot of the slope, 
and under considerable cover, opposite our left wing, and along 
the slope in front, and on our right toward the crest of the 
main range running parallel to the creek. During this time 
Captain Plummer, with his four companies of infantry, had 
moved down a ridge about five hundred yards to our left, and 
separated from us by a deep ravine, and reached its abrupt ter- 
minus, where he found his further progress arrested by a heavy 
force of infantry, occupying a cornfield in the valley in his 
front. At this time an artillery fire was opened from a high 
point about two miles distant, and nearly in our front, from 
which Colonel Sigel was to have commenced his attack. This 
fire was answered from the opposite side of the valley, and at a 
little greater distance from us, the line of fire of the two bat- 
teries being nearly perpendicular to our own. After about ten 
or twelve shots on either side the firing ceased, and we neither 
heard nor saw anything more of Colonel Sigel's brigade until 
about half-past eight o'clock, when a brisk cannonading was 



352 APPENDIX. 

heard for a few minutes, about a mile to the right of that 
heard before, and from two to three miles distant. 

Our whole line now advanced with much energy upon the 
enemy's position, the firing, which had been spirited for the 
last half hour, now increasing to a continuous roar. During 
this time, Captain Totten's battery came into action by section 
and by piece as the nature of the ground would permit (it 
being wooded, with much undergrowth), and played upon the 
enemy's lines with great effect. After a fierce engagement, last- 
ing perhaps half an hour, and in which our troops retired two 
or three times in more or less disorder, but never more than a 
few yards, again to rally and press forward with increased 
vigor, the enemy gave way in the utmost confusion, and left us 
in possession of the position. 

Meanwhile Captain Plummer was ordered to move forward 
on our left, but, meeting with overpowering resistance from the 
large mass of infantry in the cornfield in his front and in the 
woods beyond, was compelled to fail back ; but at this moment, 
Lieutenant Dubois' battery, which had taken position on our 
left flank, supported by Captain Steele's battalion, opened upon 
the enemy in the cornfield a fire of shells, with such marked 
effect as to drive him, in the utmost disorder and with great 
slaughter, from the field. 

There was now a momentary cessation of firing along the 
whole line, except the extreme right, where the First Missouri 
was still engaged with a superior force of the enemy, attempt- 
ing to turn our right. The General, having been informed of 
this movement, sent the Second Kansas to the support of the 
First Missouri. It came up in time to prevent the, Missourians 
from being destroyed by the overwhelming force against which 
they were unflinchingly holding their position. 

The battalion of regular infantry under Captain Steele, 
which had been detailed to the support of Lieutenant Dubois' 
battery, was during this time brought forward to the support 
of Captain Totten's battery. Scarcely had these dispositions 
been made, when the enemy again appeared in very large force 
along our entire front, and moving toward each flank. The 
engagement at once became general, and almost inconceivably 
fierce along the entire line, the enemy appearing in front, often 



APPENDIX. 353 

in three or four ranks, lying down, kneeling, and standing, the 
lines often approaching to within thirty or forty yards of each 
other, as the enemy would charge upon Captain Totten's bat- 
tery and be driven back. 

Early in the engagement the First Iowa came to the support 
of the First Kansas and First Missouri, both of which had stood 
like veteran troops, exposed to a galling fire of the enemy. 
Every available battalion was now brought into action, and 
the battle raged with unabated fury for more than an hour ; the 
scales seeming all the time nearly equally balanced, our troops 
sometimes gaining a little ground, and again giving way a few 
yards to rally again. Early in this engagement, while General 
Lyon was leading his horse along the line on the left of Captain 
Totten's battery, and endeavoring to rally our troops, which 
were at this time in considerable disorder, his horse was killed, 
and he received a wound in the leg and one in the head. He 
walked slowly a few paces to the rear and said, " I fear the day 
is lost." I then dismounted one of my orderlies, and tendered 
the horse to the General, who at first declined, saying, "It is not 
necessary." The horse, however, was left with him, and I 
moved off to rally a portion of the Iowa regiment which was 
beginning to break in considerable numbers. 

In the meantime the General mounted, and, swinging his hat 
in the air, called to the troops nearest him to follow. The Sec- 
ond Kansas gallantly rallied around him, headed by the brave 
Colonel Mitchell. In a few moments the Colonel fell severely 
wounded ; about the same time a fatal ball was lodged in the 
General's breast, and he was carried from the field a corpse. 
Thus gloriously fell as brave a soldier as ever drew a sword — 
a man whose honesty of purpose was proverbial — a noble 
patriot, and one who held his life as nothing when his country 
demanded it of him. 

Of this dire calamity I was not informed until perhaps half 
an hour after its occurrence. In the meantime our disordered 
line on the left was again rallied, and pressed the enemy with 
great vigor and coolness, particularly the First Iowa regiment, 
which fought like veterans. This hot encounter lasted perhaps 
half an hour. 

After the death of General Lyon, when the enemy fled and 



354 APPENDIX. 

left the field clear, so far as we could see, and almost total silence 
reigned for the space of twenty minutes, Major Schofield 
informed me of the death of General Lyon, and reported for 
orders. The responsibility which now devolved upon me was 
duly felt and appreciated. Our brave little army was scattered 
and broken ; over twenty thousand men were still in our front ; 
and our men had had no water since five o'clock the evening 
before, and could hope for none short of Springfield, twelve 
miles distant ; if we should go forward, our own success would 
prove our certain defeat in the end ; if we retreated, disaster 
stared us in the face; our ammunition was well nigh exhausted, 
and should the enemy make this discovery through a slackening 
of our fire, total annihilation was all we could expect. The 
great question in my mind was, "Where is Sigel ? " If I could 
nope for a vigorous attack by him on the enemy's right flank or 
rear, then we could go forward with some hope of success. In 
this perplexing condition of. affairs I summoned the principal 
officers for consultation. The great question with most of them 
was, " Is retreat possible ? " The consultation was brought to a 
close by the advance of a heavy column of infantry, advancing 
from the hill, where Sigel's guns had been heard before. Think- 
ing they were Sigel's men, the line was formed for an advance, 
with the hope of forming a junction with him. These troops wore 
a dress much resembling that of Sigel's brigade, and carried the 
American flag. They were, therefore, permitted to move down 
the hill within easy range of Dubois' battery, until they had 
reached the covered position at the foot of the ridge on which 
we were posted, and from which we had been fiercely assailed 
before, when suddenly a battery was planted on the hill in our 
front, and began to pour upon us shrapnell and canister — a 
species of shot not before fired by the enemy. At this moment 
the enemy showed his true colors, and at once commenced 
along our entire lines the fiercest and most bloody engagement 
of the day. Lieutenant Dubois' battery on our left, gallantly 
supported by Major Osterhaus' battalion and the rallied frag- 
ments of the Missouri First, soon silenced the enemy's battery on 
the hill, and repulsed the right wing of his infantry. Captain 
Totten's battery in the centre, supported by the Iowas and reg- 
ulars, was the main point of attack. The enemy could fre- 



APPENDIX. 355 

quently be seen within twenty feet of Totten's guns, and the 
smoke of the opposing lines, was often so confounded as to 
seem but one. Now, for the first time during the day, our 
entire line maintained its position with perfect firmness. Not 
the slightest disposition to give way was manifested at any 
point ; and while Captain Steele's battalion, which was some 
yards in front of the line, together with the troops on the right 
and left, were in imminent danger of being overwhelmed by 
superior numbers, the contending lines being almost muzzle to 
muzzle, Captain Granger rushed to the rear and brought up the 
supports of Dubois' battery, consisting of two or three compa- 
nies of the First Missouri, three companies of the First Kansas, 
and two companies of the First Iowa, in quick time, and fell upon 
the enemy's right flank, and poured into it a murderous volley, 
killing or wounding nearly every man within sixty or seventy 
yards. 

From this moment a perfect rout took place throughout the 
rebel front, while ours on the right flank continued to pour a 
galling fire into their disorganized masses. 

It was then evident that Totten's battery and Steele's little 
battalion were safe. Among the officers conspicuous in leading 
this assault were Adjutant Hezcock, Captains Burke, Miller, 
Manter, Maurice, and Richardson, and Lieutenant Howard, all 
of the First Missouri. There were others of the First Kansas 
and First Iowa who participated, and whose names I do not 
remember. The enemy then fled from the field. A few moments 
before the close of the engagement, the Second Kansas, which 
had firmly maintained its position on the extreme right, from 
the time it was first sent there, found its ammunition exhausted ; 
and I directed it to withdraw slowly and in good order from 
the field, which it did, bringing off its wounded, which left our 
right flank exposed, and the enemy renewed the attack at that 
point, after it had ceased along the whole line ; but it was gal- 
lantly met by Captain Steele's battalion of regulars, which had 
just driven the enemy from the right of the centre, and, after a 
sharp engagement, drove him precipitately from the field. Thus 
closed, at about half-past eleven o'clock, an almost uninterrupted 
conflict of six hours. The order to retreat was given soon after 
the enemy gave way from our front and centre, Lieutenant Du- 



356 APPENDIX. 

bois' battery having been previously sent to occupy with its 
supports the hill in our rear. Captain Totten's battery, as soon 
as his disabled horses could be replaced, retired slowly with the 
main body of the infantry, while Captain Steele was meeting the 
demonstrations upon our right flank. This having been repulsed, 
and no enemy being in sight, the whole column moved slowly 
to the high, open prairie, about two miles from the battle-ground. 
Meanwhile, our ambulances passed to and fro, carrying off our 
w ounded. After making a short halt on the prairie, we con- 
tinued our march to Springfield. 

It should be here remembered that, just after the order to retire 
was given, and while it was undecided whether the retreat 
should be continued, or whether we should occupy the more 
favorable portion of our rear and await tidings of Colonel Sigel, 
one of his non-commissioned officers arrived, and reported that 
the Colonel's brigade had been totally routed and all his artil- 
lery captured, Colonel Sigel himself having been either killed 
or taken prisoner. Most of our men had fired away all their 
ammunition, and all that could be obtained from the boxes of 
the killed and wounded. Nothing, therefore, was left to do but 
to return to Springfield, where two hundred and fifty Home 
Guards, with two pieces of artillery, had been left to take care 
of the train. On reaching the Little York road, we met Lieu- 
tenant Farrand, with his company of dragoons and a consider- 
able portion of Colonel Sigel's command, with one piece of artil- 
lery. At five o'clock, P.M., we reached Springfield. * * 

[The balance of the report compliments nearly every officer 
by name, but makes particular mention of General Lyon, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Mitchell, Captains Plummer, Steele, Sweeney, 
Granger, and Totten, and Lieutenant Dubois.] 

=;< * Our total loss in killed, wounded, and missing amounts 
to one thousand two hundred and thirty-five. That of the 
enemy will probably reach three thousand. 

(Signed) S. D. STURGIS, Major. 
To Assistant Adjutant- General, 

Headquarters "Western Department. 



APPENDIX. 357 

OFFICIAL REPORT OF COLONEL FRANZ SIGEL, OF 
HIS OPERATIONS IN THE BATTLE OF WILSON'S 
CREEK. 

Headquarters Second Brigade Mo. Vols., 

Camp Good Hope, near Rolla, 

August 18, 1861. 
General — I respectfully submit to you the report of the bat- 
tle at Wilsou's Creek, so far as the troops under my command 
were concerned. On Friday, the 9th of August, General Lyon 
informed me that it was his intention to attack the enemy in 
his camp at Wilson's Creek on the morning of the 10th; that the 
attack should be made from two sides, and that I should take 
command of the left. The troops assigned to me consisted of 
the Second Brigade Missouri Volunteers, nine hundred men, 
infantry of the Third and Fifth Regiments, under the command 
of Lieutenant-Colonel Albert and Colonel Salomon, and six 
pieces of artillery, under Lieutenants Schaeffer and Schuetzen- 
bach, besides two companies of regular cavalry belonging to the 
command of Major Sturgis. I left Camp Fremont, on the south 
side of Springfield, at half-past six o'clock on the evening of the 
9th, and arrived at daybreak within a mile of the enemy's camp. 
I advanced slowly toward the camp, and after taking forward 
the two cavalry companies from the right and left, I cut off 
about forty men of the enemy's troops, who were coming from 
the camp in little squads to get water and provisions. This 
was done in such a manner that no news of our advance could 
be brought into camp. In sight of the enemy's tents, which 
spread out on our front and right, I planted four pieces of artil- 
lery on a little hill, while the infantry advanced toward the 
point where the Fayetteville road crosses Wilson's Creek\ and 
the two cavalry companies extended to the right and left to 
guard our flanks. It was half-past five o'clock when some mus- 
ket firing was heard from the northwest. I therefore ordered 
the artillery to begin their fire against the camp of the enemy 
(Missourians), which was so destructive that the enemy were 
seen leaving their tents and retiring in haste toward the north- 
east of the valley. Meanwhile the Third and Fifth Regiments 
had quickly advanced, passed the creek, and, traversing the 



358 APPENDIX. 

camp, formed almost in the centre of it. As the enemy made 
his rally in large numbers before us, about three thousand strong, 
consisting of infantry and cavalry, I ordered the artillery to be 
brought forward from the hill, and formed there in battery across 
the valley, with the Third and Fifth to the left and the cavalry 
to the right. After an effective fire of half an hour, the enemy 
retired in some confusion into the woods and up the adjoining 
hill. The firing toward the northwest was now more distinct, 
and increased until it was evident that the main corps of 
General Lyon had engaged the enemy along the whole line. To 
give the greatest possible assistance to him, I left position in the 
camp and advanced toward the northwest to attack the enemy's 
line of battle in the rear. 

Marching forward we struck the Fayetteville road, making 
our way through a large number of cattle and horses, until we 
arrived at an eminence used as a slaughtering place, and known 
as Sharp's farm. On our route we had taken about one hundred 
prisoners, who were scattered over the camp. At Sharp's place 
we met numbers of the enemy's soldiers, who were evidently 
retiring in this direction ; and as I suspected that the enemy on 
his retreat would follow in the same direction, I formed the 
troops across the road by planting the artillery on the plateau 
and the two infantry regiments on the right and left across the 
road, while the cavalry companies extended on our flanks. At 
this time, and after some skirmishing along the front of our line, 
the firing in the direction of the northwest, which was, during 
an hour's time, roaring in succession, had almost entirely ceased. 
I thereupon presumed that the attack of General Lyon had been 
successful, and that his troops were in pursuit of the enemy, 
who moved in large numbers toward the south along the ridge 
of a hill about seven hundred yards opposite our right. 

This was the state of affairs at half-past eight o'clock in the 
morning, when it was reported to me by D. Melchior and 
some of our skirmishers that "Lyon's men were coming up 
the road." Lieutenant-Colonel Albert, of the Third, and Col- 
onel Salomon, of the Fifth, notified their regiments not to fire on 
troops coming in this direction, while I cautioned the artillery 
in the same manner. Our troops in this moment expected, with 
anxiety, the approach of their friends, and were waving the 



APPENDIX. 359 

flag, raised as a signal to their comrades, when at once two 
batteries opened their fire against us, one in front, placed on 
the Fayetteville road, and the other upon the hill upon which 
we had supposed Lyon's forces were in pursuit of the enemy, 
while a strong column of infantry, supposed to be the Iowa 
regiment, advanced from the Fayetteville road and attacked 
our right. 

It is impossible for me to describe the confusion and fright- 
ful consternation which was occasioned by this important event. 
The cry, " They (Lyon's troops) are firing against us," spread 
like wild-fire through our ranks ; the artillery-men, ordered to 
fire, and directed by myself, could hardly be brought forward 
to serve their pieces ; the infantry would not level their arms 
until it was too late. The enemy arrived within ten paces of 
the muzzles of our cannon, killed the horses, turned the ranks 
of the infantry and forced them to fly. The troops were throw- 
ing themselves into the bushes and by-roads, retreating as well 
as they could, followed and attacked incessantly by large bodies 
of Arkansas and Texas cavalry. In this retreat we lost five can- 
non, of which three were spiked, and the colors of the Third, the 
color-bearer having been wounded and his substitute killed. The 
total loss of the two regiments, the artillery and the pioneers, in 
killed, wounded, and missing, amounts to two hundred and 
ninety-two men, as will be seen from the respective lists. In 
order to understand clearly our actions and our fate, you will 
permit me to state the following facts : First — According to 
orders, it was the duty of this brigade to attack the enemy in 
the rear, and to cut off his retreat, which order I tried to exe- 
cute, whatever the consequences might be. Second — The time 
of service of the Fifth Regiment Missouri Volunteers had ex- 
pired before the battle. I had induced them, company by com- 
pany, not to leave us in the most critical moment, and had 
engaged them for the term of eight days, this term ending on 
Friday, the 9th, the day before the battle. Third— The Third 
Regiment, of which four hundred three months' men had been 
dismissed, was composed of the greater parts of recruits who had 
not seen the enemy before, and who were imperfectly drilled. 
Fourth — The men serving the pieces and the drivers consisted 
of infantry taken from the Third Regiment, and were mostly 



360 APPENDIX. 

recruits who had had only a few days' instruction. Fifth — 
About two-thirds of our officers had left us ; some companies 
had no officers at all — a great pity, but the consequence of the 
system of the three months' 1 service. After the arrival of the 
army at Springfield the command was intrusted to me by Major 
Sturgis, and the majority of the commanders of regiments. 
[The balance of the report refers to the retreat to Holla.] 
(Signed) F. SIGEL, 

Commanding Second Brigade Missoiuri Volunteers. 

WAS LYON SACRIFICED ? 

PART OF A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENT- 
ATIVES, WASHINGTON CITY, MARCH 7, 1862, BY HONORABLE 
F. P. BLAIR, OF MISSOURI. 

>p> 4* h£ •!* t* *F H* 

Fremont's apology for not re-enforcing lyon. 
Now, sir, I have read with attention the statement he has 
made through the press, and I have read, also, the speech 
of the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Shanks), who followed 
him to Springfield as an aid-de-camp, and I can find nothing 
in either to justify the enthusiasm which that gentleman seems 
to feel over a sad record of defeats and unvaried disasters. 
The one is a tame apology, the other a sort of frothy rhetoric 
and confused declamation. There are two great points which 
will forever stand out in relief in the history of those hundred 
days, the saddest days that ever befell the loyal men of that 
State, which no rhetoric and no studied obscurity of expression 
can shield from view or make the nation forget. Those two 
great points of public interest upon which the sad eyes of the 
nation will always be fixed are Springfield and Lexington, the 
fields where the heroic Lyon fell, and where Mulligan yielded, 
not to the foe, but to famine and thirst. What had the gentle^ 
man from Indiana (Mr. Shanks) to say about them ? Abso- 
lutely nothing ! What has General Fremont said about them 
in his statement ? He treads lightly on that ground. The other 
historian, who has chosen a popular magazine for his forum, 
finds little time to bestow upon them. But I will do General 
Fremont the justice to quote his own language : 



APPENDIX. 361 

"From St. Louis to Cairo was an easy day's journey by water, 
and transportation abundant. To Springfield was a week's 
march ; and, before I could have reached it, Cairo would have 
been taken, and with it, I believe, St. Louis. 

"On my arrival at Cairo, I found the force under General 
Prentiss reduced to one thousand two hundred men, consisting 
mainly of a regiment which had agreed to await my arrival. 

U A few miles below, at New Madrid, General Pillow had 
landed a force estimated at twenty thousand, which subsequent 
events showed was not exaggerated. Our force, greatly increased 
to the enemy by rumors, drove him to a hasty retreat, and per- 
manently secured the position. To these facts the accompany- 
ing papers and the testimony of General Prentiss and other 
officers is offered to the Committee. 

" I returned to St. Louis on the 4th of August, having, in the 
meantime, ordered Colonel Stevenson's regiment, from Boon- 
ville, and Colonel Montgomery, from Kansas, to march to the 
relief of General Lyon. 

'' Immediately upon my return from Cairo, I set myself to 
work amid incessant demands upon my time from every quar- 
ter, principally to provide re- enforcements for General Lyon. 

" I do not accept Springfield as a disaster belonging to my 
administration. Causes wholly out of my jurisdiction had 
already prepared the defeat of General Lyon before my arrival at 
St. Louis. His letter to me of the 9th of August, with other 
papers annexed, will show that I was already in commu- 
nication with him, and that he knew his wants were being pro- 
vided for. It will be seen that I had all reasonable expectations 
of being able to relieve him in time ; and, had he been able to 
adhere to the course indicated in his letter, a very short time 
would have found him efficiently sustained." 

WAS CAIRO OR SPRINGFIELD THE POINT TO BE FIRST 
RE-ENFORCED ? 

His defense for not succoring Lyon at Springfield is that 
Cairo was threatened ; that it was an easy day's journey from 
St. Louis by water, and transportation abundant ; that Lyon 
was at Springfield, a week's march from St. Louis, and that he 
does not accept Lvon's defeat as belonging to his administra- 
16 



362 APPENDIX. 

tion. Now, I undertake to say, that it is true Cairo was within 
an easy day's journey from St. Louis by water, and less by rail- 
road; that it could be reached from Springfield, Illinois, as 
easily and in as short a time. From Indianapolis, the capital 
of Indiana, from Columbus, Ohio, from almost any point in any 
of the northwestern States, Cairo was not more than an easy 
day's journey by water or by railroad. It was and is the point 
of all others most accessible to the entire Northwest, and easily 
re-enforced. It was also intrenched, defended by eight thou- 
sand men, and with ordnance of the heaviest calibre. General 
Prentiss had as many men as Lyon, and more, as shown by their 
statements, accompanying General Fremont's defense. McCul- 
loch and Price, according to Fremont's statement, had one-third 
more men to attack Lyon than Pillow had to assail Cairo, as it 
was then said he was threatening to do. Lyon was without 
fortifications and without heavy guns, Prentiss had both at 
Cairo, and that place was covered by two rivers in front, and 
could not have been assailed without crossing them, which it 
was utterly impossible for the enemy to do, in face of an army 
to oppose them. 

It is pretended and attempted to be shown, by a dispatch 
from General Prentiss, that his army, consisting of six " three 
months' " and two " three-years' " regiments, was about to be 
disbanded ; and the statement of General Prentiss is left unex- 
plained, and the argument boldly advanced that without re-en- 
forcements he could have had but two regiments left to defend 
the post. The truth of the matter is, as shown by General 
Prentiss in a subsequent dispatch, that these six " three -months' " 
regiments were then in process of reorganization ; and I say they 
did not disband, but re-entered the service, almost in a body, 
for the war. Cook's regiment, Oglesby's regiment, McArthur's 
regiment, the regiment originally raised by Prentiss, were all 
"three-months'" men. They remained in the service; they 
remained at Cairo, and the other two regiments of " three- 
months' " men, whose names I do not now remember, remained 
also, and all have since made their names illustrious at the siege 
of Fort Donelson. But, if a portion of Prentiss' command were 
" three-months' " men, so also were a majority of the troops under 
Lyon's command, at Springfield. Springfield was a week's 



APPENDIX. 363 

march from St. Louis, and was capable of being re-enforced only 
from that point. Yet General Fremont believed, and acted upon 
the belief, that Cairo, threatened by Pillow with twenty thou- 
sand men, was the point to be re-enforced, although it was 
strongly intrenched, garrisoned by eight regiments, defended by 
guns of the heaviest calibre, with the Ohio and Mississippi 
rivers in front, and capable of being re-enforced within twenty- 
four hours from any part of the entire Northwest ; and that Lyon 
at Springfield, threatened by thirty thousand men, having under 
his command a less force than that at Cairo, with no intrench- 
ments, with no heavy guns, with no natural defenses interposed 
between him and the enemy, a week's march from St. Louis, from 
which point alone it could be effectually re-enforced, was to be 
left to his fate, or to be left to wait until Cairo, naturally so 
much stronger, and with its artificial defenses so much better, so 
much more easily re-enforced, and defended by more men, 
should first be attended to. This is the amplification of his 
own argument. Let him be judged on his own statement. 

So thoroughly was he possessed by this idea that he seems 
utterly to have forgotten Lyon and Springfield until the 3d 
of August, nine days after his arrival in Missouri. A mes- 
senger came from Lyon, repeating the sad story of his distress 
and. peril, which was forwarded to Cairo, and General Fremont 
on that day telegraphed an order to Stevenson at Boonville, 
and Colonel Montgomery at Leavenworth in Kansas, ordering 
them to re-enforce Lyon with their regiments. These two regi- 
ments were probably the two of all others in his command the 
furthest from Springfield by the routes which they would be 
compelled to take, and in positions the most difficult to supply 
them immediately with transportation. This is literally all that 
Fremont ever did to re-enforce Lyon. You may search his state- 
ment — every letter, every telegram, and every document — and 
you will find no other order given. He makes the distress of 
Lyon the pretext for the purchase of condemned arms ; but he 
made no effort of any kind, except the orders given to Steven- 
son and to Montgomery, to relieve Lyon's distress, and he pro- 
vided neither Stevenson nor Montgomery with transportation to 
enable them to carry out the order of relief. If he had pro- 
vided the transportation for these two regiments, they could not 



364 APPENDIX. 

have readied Lyon in time, although both could certainly have 
done so had he made the order on his first arrival in Missouri. 
He had other regiments in his command which could have 
reached Lyon and re-enforced him, even if ordered as late as the 
3d of August. For instance, Wyman's regiment (Thirteenth 
Illinois Infantry), then at Rolla, and thirty-six hundred other 
men, as shown by the report of Colonel Chester Harding, Jr., 
to have been at the arsenal and Jefferson Barracks on the 5th 
day of August, of which Coler's Illinois regiment is stated by him 
to be the only one not ready for service. 

In this place I desire to allude to the assertions of 
General Fremont and of Colonel Chester Harding, Jr., to 
the effect that the force which Pillow is said to have 
had, and with which he was threatening to assault and 
take Cairo, was demonstrated by subsequent events not 
to have been overestimated. Well, sir, if subsequent 
events have demonstrated that fact, they have been very unfor- 
tunate in not pointing to a single one of them. Neither of them 
point to anything that has occurred that justifies any such state- 
ment ; and, in my opinion, there was good reason for this singu- 
lar reserve on their part. Months afterward, when the battle 
was fought at Belmont, it was not supposed by any one that 
there were twenty thousand men at Columbus, under command 
of General Polk, who had then taken the place formerly held 
by Pillow. It has not been shown by anything that will pass 
for evidence that there were twenty thousand men at Colum- 
bus the other day when it was evacuated. The fact that Pillow 
retired when the re-enforcements went forward under Fremont 
would go to show that Pillow did not consider himself very 
strong at that time, and the fact that no demonstration since 
that time has been made against Cairo, are among the " subse- 
quent events " that do not strengthen their assertions. It is 
the opinion of many well-informed persons that the movement 
toward Cairo at that time, as well as the demonstration by 
Hardee against Iron Mountain, were mere feints to draw off 
re enforcements from Lyon, in order that he might be over- 
whelmed by the superior force brought against him under Price 
and McCulloch. The General and the Adjutant-General who 
had been deceived by such a ruse would be among the last to 



APPENDIX. 365 

admit that they had been outwitted, although the fact that no 
serious attack nor even a demonstration in that quarter has 
since been made, will go far to convince impartial persons that 
the enemy in that quarter were standing on the defensive. I 
leave this branch of the case. I think I have made it appear 
that it was not Fremont's first duty to re-enforce Cairo in pref- 
erence to Springfield, but I am. willing, for the sake of the argu- 
ment, to admit that he was correct in his judgment upon this 
point. It is a matter of opinion, and will always be a matter of 
opinion, whether he should have taken that course or not. I 
am willing that upon the facts of the case — not, however, upon 
his statement of facts — the country shall judge his conduct upon 
this point. 

FREMONT HAD AMPLE FORCE TO RE-ENFORCE BOTH CAIRO AND 
SPRINGFIELD. 

There remains, however, another branch of this case, which is 
not a matter of opinion, but a question of fact upon which I 
take issue with him. It is the statement that he had not suffi- 
cient force under his command with which to re-enforce both 
Cairo and General Lyon at Springfield. It is perfectly evident 
that he had enough to re-enforce Cairo, for that was done, and 
the enemy fled before his grand flotilla. I will undertake to 
prove that he had enough also, after he had re-enforced Cairo, to 
have re-enforced Lyon ; and that he had ample notice of Lyon's 
peril, and ample time in which to forward re-enforcements. I 
premise by saying that it is curious that he should have omitted, 
when he stated that he had not sufficient force for both of these 
objects, to state also the force which he then had under his 
command. 

The statement which I shall make is not derived from books 
in the Adjutant-General's office, for I have had no access to them. 
General Fremont probably has those books, or at least all the 
data which embrace the returns of the number of troops in his own 
department. My knowledge is derived from my own early con- 
nection with the organization of troops in the department, from 
my association with them since, and from scattered items of 
information which I have been able to glean from the studied 
obscurity of General Fremont's own statement, and the docu- 



366 APPENDIX. 

ments annexed to it. There was, on the day of arrival of Gen- 
eral Fremont in Missouri, sixteen full Missouri regiments in the 
service of the United States. They were as follows : 

First Regiment Missouri Volunteers, Colonel F. P. Blair, at 
Springfield. 

Second Regiment Missouri Volunteers, Colonel H. Boernstein. 

Third Regiment Missouri Volunteers, Colonel F. Sigel, at 
Springfield. 

Fourth Regiment Missouri Volunteers, Colonel Schuttner. 

Fifth Regiment Missouri Volunteers, Colonel Salomon, at 
Springfield. 

Of these, the First Regiment was the only three-years' regi- 
ment. 

The Sixth Regiment Missouri Volunteers, Colonel P. E. Bland, 
at Ironton. 

Seventh Regiment Missouri Volunteers, Colonel Stevenson, at 
Boonville. 

Eighth Regiment Missouri Volunteers, Colonel M. L. Smith, 
at St. Louis. 

Ninth Regiment Missouri Volunteers, Colonel Fredericks, at 
St. Louis. 

Tenth Regiment Missouri Volunteers, Colonel Bayles, at or 
near St. Louis. 

I find Colonel Schaeffer's regiment is noticed in the Missouri 
Democrat, with that of Bayles and Fredericks, as being armed 
and equipped and under marching orders on the 6th of 
August. In addition to these, the fi*e regiments of the reserve 
cor p S — Almstedt's, Kalmann's, McNeil's, Brown's, and Stifel's — 
were then in the service, fully armed and equipped, and sta- 
tioned at different points in Missouri. There were four Kansas 
regiments in his department : Dietzler's and Mitchell's, the First 
and Second, then with General Lyon ; the Third and Fourth 
Regiments, Montgomery's and Weer's, one at Leavenworth, the 
other at Fort Scott, on the boundary between Missouri and 
Kansas, about sixty or seventy miles from Springfield. There 
were at that time four Iowa regiments in the State of Missouri : 
the first, under Bates, at Springfield; the second (Curtis) at 
Jefferson Barracks ; the third (Williams) on the Hannibal and 
St. Joseph railroad; there was one other in the State; and 



APPENDIX. 367 

three others, making seven regiments in all in Iowa, and ready 
for service ; two of which reached Jefferson Barracks on the 
11th of August, and a battalion of the Iowa Fifth was at the St. 
Louis arsenal on August 10 ; three companies of the Iowa Fourth 
arrived in St. Louis on the 11th of August. There were eighteen 
Illinois regiments in the service and under his command. These 
regiments were numbered from seventh to twenty-fourth inclu- 
sive ; six of these were " three-months' " men, which I have 
already named as being at Cairo in the command of General 
Prentiss, almost the whole body of which were reorganized and 
re-entered the service, and are now leading the column of vic- 
tory in Tennessee. There were ten others, " three years' " men, 
numbered from thirteenth to twenty-fourth inclusive, fully 
armed and equipped, all in active service, mostly in Missouri, 
and all under Fremont's command. These ten regiments had 
been authorized by the Legislature of Illinois to be raised by the 
Governor in anticipation of a call by the President. There were 
one thousand " regular " troops under Lyon at Springfield, as will 
appear from the statement of the Adjutant-General, Captain 
Kelton, which is among the documents published in Fremont's 
papers. These consisted of cavalry, artillery, and infantry. 
There were also three companies of " regulars " at Leavenworth. 
There was a battalion of four hundred Home Guards at St. 
Joseph, under Colonel Peabody, who was afterward severely 
wounded in the siege of Lexington. There were three hundred, 
under Major Hunt, at Hannibal, and three hundred at Kansas 

City, under Major , who was also subsequently wounded at 

Lexington ; there were also one hundred and fifty at Boonville, 
under a gallant officer, who afterward defended that city with 
his small force, and dispersed eight hundred rebels. The Ne- 
braska regiment, of four hundred and fifty-seven men, reached 
St. Louis on the 13th or 14th of August. This statement shows 
there were forty-four regiments in the "Western Department, 
armed and equipped, when General Fremont arrived there and 
took the command. On the 4th of August, Governor Morton, 
of Indiana, telegraphed to General Fremont, as appears from 
his dispatch annexed to Fremont's statement, offering him five 
regiments. Surely these regiments could have been made avail- 
able for the defense of Cairo, if any serious attack had been 



368 APPENDIX. 

made on that position; and although they were not in the 
Western Department, the Government would not have hesitated 
to have given him this force if Cairo had been attacked. The 
Government did consent to his taking those regiments, for they 
arrived in St. Louis on or about the 17th of August, and were 
soon followed by three other regiments, and several batteries of 
artillery from that State, all of which have since served with 
distinction in Missouri. 

I propose now to show something as to the particular loca- 
tion of the troops actually in his department at the time of 
Fremont's arrival in Missouri; and to pro ye that he not only 
had the men to re-enforce Cairo and to succor Lyon, but that 
they were in position to be available to him for those purposes. 
I read from a letter addressed to me by Colonel John M. Palmer, 
Fourteenth Illinois Volunteers, now a brigadier-general, who is 
well known to every member of this House from the State of 
Illinois : 

St. Louis, November 22, 1861. 

Dear Sir— On the 5th of July, 1861, the Fourteenth Regi- 
ment Illinois Volunteers (nine hundred strong) crossed the 
Mississippi river, and on the 13th moved from Hannibal 
to Macon City, and remaining there, and at Renick and Stur- 
geon, on the North Missouri railroad, until the 9th of August, 
reached Jefferson Barracks on the 10th. When this regi- 
ment left Hannibal, the Third Iowa and the Sixteenth Illinois 
were on the line of the Hannibal and St. Joseph railroad. On 
the 13th of July, Colonel Turchin's Illinois regiment came 
into the State of Missouri. On the 14th, Colonel Grant's 
Twenty-first Illinois was at Palmyra, at which place Colonel 
Turchin was stationed. On the 31st of July, I found at 
Mexico Colonel Marshall's First Illinois cavalry, and one bat- 
talion of the Fifteenth Illinois, Colonel Hecker's regiment hav- 
ing left the same place a few days before. 

During the month of July the following regiments were in 
North Missouri, and within twenty-four hours of St. Louis : 

Fourteenth Illinois Volunteers (Palmer), 900 men. 

Sixteenth Illinois Volunteers (Smith), say 800 " 

Nineteenth Illinois Volunteers (Turchin), say 800 " 



APPENDIX. 369 

Fifteenth Illinois Volunteers (Turner), say 800 men. 

Twenty-first Illinois Volunteers (Grant), say 800 " 

First Illinois Cavalry (Marshall), say 600 " 

Twenty-fourth Illinois Volunteers (Hecker), say. . 900 " 
Third Iowa Volunteers (Williams), say 700 " 

Total 6,300 men. 

All these regiments were then full, and the estimate of their 
actual strength is low. 

Very truly, &c., J. M. PALMER. 
Colonel F. P. Blair. 

P.S. — If it be inquired what all these regiments were doing, 
the answer is, eating their rations and holding the railroads. 

J. M. PALMER. 

I annex a statement, also, of the number and designation of 
troops taken by General Fremont to re-enforce Cairo, and it will 
be seen that, of the whole number of sixty-three hundred men 
contained in the list of General Palmer above, there was but one 
regiment of these taken to Cairo — Colonel Turchin's — leaving 
fifty-five hundred men within twenty-four hours of St. Louis 
available when Fremont first arrived in St. Louis to re-enforce 
Lyon: 

List of Troops taken by General Fremont to Cairo, August 1, 1861. 

" Nineteenth Illinois regiment, Colonel Turchin, armed with 
Minies. 

" Seventeenth Illinois regiment. 

" Rombauer 1 s Home Guard composed of one battalion of 
Almstedt's, and one of Kalmann's of the First and Second 
United States Reserve Corps, eleven hundred strong. 

" Second Iowa regiment, formerly Curtis', and Captain Buell's 
battery of six pieces ; eight steamboats ; Fremont and staff in 
four carriages, the City of Alton steamboat being especially de- 
voted to the General and his staff." 

This statement is made from the columns of the St. Louis 
Democrat. 

In addition to the regiments mentioned in the schedule of 
Colonel Palmer, within easy reach of Fremont, there were the 
Thirteenth Illinois regiment, Colonel Wyman, at Rolla ; Colonel 
16* 



370 APPENDIX. 

Stevenson's regiment, at Boonville; Weer's regiment, at Fort 
Scott, in Kansas, sixty or seventy miles from Springfield ; and 
Colonel Montgomery's regiment at Leavenworth, Kansas, all of 
which could have reached Springfield before the 10th of August, 
and in time to have re-enforced Lyon. There were other regi- 
ments, including Bayles', Frederick's, Schaeffer's, Smith's, and 
Coler's, then at or near St. Louis, which regiments, I presume, are 
included in the statement of Colonel Chester Harding, Jr., as 
comprising the thirty-six hundred men in the St. Louis arsenal 
on the 5th of August — as the regiments not named by him in 
his statement are enumerated in the Republican newspaper of 
St. Louis as being at the arsenal, and under marching orders, on 
the 6th of August. From this statement it is very clear 
that there were ten thousand men fully armed and equipped 
which might have been used to re-enforce Lyon, if General Fre- 
mont had had the capacity to appreciate the difficulties sur- 
rounding Lyon, instead of making those difficulties an excuse 
for his purchase of Austrian guns, and breaking down under 
that effort for his relief, and making no other movement, and 
giving no other order for that purpose, except the order to move 
two regiments, the only regiments at that time, among those I 
have enumerated, whose positions made it impossible they should 
reach Lyon by the 10th of August. He not only made no other 
effort, but, so far from it, transportation which was at Rolla, and 
which might have been used to forward troops to Springfield, if 
Fremont had had any intention of sending them, was on the 
4th of August discharged from service at Rolla, and brought 
back to St. Louis. 

FREMONT HAD NOTICE OP LYON'S DISTRESS, AND SUFFICIENT 
TIME TO FORWARD RE-ENFORCEMENTS. 

I assert that Fremont had notice of Lyon's perilous condition 
before he left the city of New York for St. Louis. I received a 
dispatch from General Lyon while I was in Washington, during 
the extra session of Congress, on or about the 18th of July, 
stating that Price was advancing upon him with a force of 
thirty thousand men, and that he would be overwhelmed unless 
re-enforced. My brother, Montgomery Blair, transmitted that 
message to General Fremont in New York, urging him at the 



APPENDIX. 371 

same time to proceed to the "West. When General Fremont 
arrived at St. Louis, he was met by a messenger from General 
Lyon, Major Barnard G. Farrar, attached to Lyon's staff, who 
came from Lyon with urgent entreaties for reenforcements. 
Captain John S. Cavender, of the First Regiment Missouri Volun- 
teers, also came from Lyon upon the same errand, and returned, 
and was afterward wounded at the battle of Wilson's Creek. 
Colonel John S. Phelps, a member of this House from the 
Springfield district, made the same statements to Fremont, and 
placed in his hands a written statement from General Lyon, 
which will be found among the documents attached to Fre- 
mont's defense, in which Lyon said that Missouri would be 
devastated unless he was re-enforced. Fremont, therefore, had 
ample knowledge of the position in which Lyon stood. He 
had that knowledge when he left New York, and it was 
repeated to him in the most urgent terms when he arrived in 
St. Louis. He seems to have disregarded it alt ogether, and to 
have paid no attention to the wants of Lyon until the 3d of 
August. It does not appear that he even opened communica- 
tion with Lyon until his return from Cairo. Lyon's letter of 
August 9, in response to one from Fremont, does not disclose 
any encouragement held out to him by Fremont's letter, to 
which his is in reply. Fremont's letter to Lyon is not published, 
for some reason best known to himself. He has favored the 
public with a great many of his letters upon matters wholly 
immaterial, and has chosen to keep back this letter, which 
might have disclosed what his views were at that time, and 
what his intentions were with regard to re-enforcing Lyon. I 
know of no subject connected with General Fremont's career 
which at this moment would have so much interest for the 
public. 

He says that Lyon had the assurance that he was doing 
everything he could for him. If he had that assurance, it is 
more than anybody else has been able to discover. If he had, 
it is more than he has attempted to prove by this record ; for 
this record shows that he took no notice of Lyon until the 3d 
of August, nine days after his arrival in St. Louis, although I 
have shown that he had ample force under his command, in 
addition to that which he sent to Cairo. The only remaining 



372 APPENDIX. 

question is whether there was time in the period intervening 
between the 25th of July, the date of his arrival in St. Louis, 
and the 10th of August, when the battle was fought, to draw in 
his forces and send them to re-enforce Lyon. From St. Louis to 
Holla by railroad, the distance is one hundred and eleven miles ; 
from Holla to Springfield, one hundred and fifteen miles, with a 
road firm and hard, though rough and broken. Sigel, in his 
first expedition to Springfield, made the same distance in much 
less time than fifteen days. The distance has been traversed 
before and since by large armies in much less time, and we 
have General Fremont's own authority for saying that Spring- 
field is only a week's march from St. Louis. 

WHY FREMONT MADE NO EFFORT TO SUCCOR LYON, AND WHY 
LYON DETERMINED TO FIGHT THE BATTLE OF SPRINGFIELD. 

I am willing to rest the case here. I think that I have 
proven that he had ample notice, ample time, and ample force 
with which to have relieved Lyon ; but the difficulty was that 
he had no appreciation of Lyon's condition. He told Governor 
Gamble, of Missouri, who went to him to urge upon him the 
necessity of sending forward re-enforcements, that Lyon was 
stronger than anybody else upon his line. If further proof were 
needed, it would be found in the fact, that immediately upon the 
receipt of the news of the battle of Springfield he sent forward 
Palmer's and Turner's regiments, and two other regiments, all 
of which reached Rolla within three days after the news of the 
battle, and all of which might have been sent on the first day 
he arrived in St. Louis. The pretext now put up by himself 
for not sending them, and which is also to be found in the cer- 
tificate given him by Colonel Chester Harding, Jr., was that 
they were required in Northeast Missouri to prevent an uprising 
of the rebels. The fact is that these troops were withdrawn 
from Northeast Missouri before the battle of Springfield, 
Palmer's regiment arriving in St. Louis on the 10th of August, 
and there was no organized body of secessionists there when Fre- 
mont arrived in the State ; and Palmer, in his letter above 
quoted, states : " If it be inquired what all these regiments were 
doing, the answer is, eating their rations and holding the rail- 
roads." Everybody knows that these troops could have been 



APPENDIX. 373 

better spared from Northeast Missouri or, indeed, from any other 
part of the State, before the battle of Springfield, than they could 
afterward, because that event inspired the rebels with hope 
and confidence, and set them to organizing all over the State. 
The sum total of his attempts to succor Lyon may be thus 
stated : He made no effort at all until it was too late. He order- 
ed two regiments forward, but made no arrangements for trans- 
portation ; and that these two regiments so ordered had the 
least chance of getting to Springfield in time. 

It was under these circumstances that Lyon was forced, by 
the condition in which he found himself, to engage the enemy, 
twenty-three thousand strong, with his force of less than five 
thousand men, in one of the most sanguinary and deadly conflicts 
that ever took place on this continent, and which resulted in a 
victory and driving the enemy from the field. After the battle 
was over and the enemy had disappeared from sight, it was dis- 
covered that during the tremendous struggle which they had 
endured the ammunition of our forces had been almost entirely 
expended, and they had suffered so much that it was not possi- 
ble, if the enemy should return and renew the attack, for them 
to hold their ground, and therefore they retired unmolested. 
They were never pursued. The enemy showed no disposition 
to engage them again. They plundered the bodies of the slain, 
but never attacked the remnant of Lyon's army. Fremont has 
done injustice to the men who at Springfield risked everything 
for their country, by speaking of it as a defeat. It was a disas- 
ter, but no defeat. In the opinion of Lyon and his officers, to 
attack the enemy was the only way in which the army could be 
saved, it being unsupported and beyond the hope of any succor. 
If they had attempted to retreat over the broken roads, through 
the defiles and forests to Rolla, the enemy, having a large force 
of cavalry, would have harassed them and cut them off, especi- 
ally as they would have been embarrassed and impeded by the 
large numbers of Union men fleeing with their wives and chil- 
dren. General Lyon thought his best course was to attack the 
enemy in front. He did attack them and lost his life, but 
saved his army and won a victory. That victory did not bear 
fruit ; but that was not the fault of the General who ordered the 
battle, or the men who fought and won it ; it was the fault of 



3^4 APPENDIX. 

another. The battle need not to have been fought that day, if 
there had been any hope of succor; it might have been delayed 
possibly for a week. It was simply because Lyon, as he then 
stated, considered himself abandoned, and was hopeless of 
receiving re-enforcements, and felt that this was the only road 
to safety, that the battle was fought. 

SIGEL WRITES FOR AID. 

Headquarters, Second Brigade,/ 
Springfield, July 28, 1861. \ 

Sir — Some papers say that you have proposed me for Brig- 
adier-General. I would respectfully ask you whether it is really 
so or not, as it seems to me of great importance to act accord- 
ingly, and to make necessary preparations to have the brigade 
organized as quickly as possible. 

"We want troops here — more troojis — the sooner we can get 
them the sooner we will be able to drive out our enemies. 
Please, sir, to return an answer to me as soon as possible, with 
the necessary authorization from the President or Secretary of 
War. 

There is another matter which I take leave to bring before 
you. To each brigade there should be a proportionate number 
of cavalry, especially here, where we have to contend against 
our enemy well provided with mounted men. Without cavalry 
our troops will be exposed on every step, to be alarmed and 
harassed ; they will never find rest, neither in camp nor in 
their bivouacs ; they will become outworn and tired by being 
forced day and night to have large numbers doing service at 
outposts, which service could be done much easier and with a 
much smaller force by using cavalry. And, further, to achieve 
victory or to protect our flank and rear in battle we must 
have cavalry. Without it we shall scarcely be able to make 
an attack, or in case of retreat to avoid confusion. I therefore 
respectfully ask for the authority to raise a squadron of light 
cavalry organized according to law, and being attached to 
the brigade. In complying with this, my humble request, the 
Government would add to the few companies of regular cavalry, 
now attached to the command of General Lyon, a very useful 



APPENDIX. 375 

and necessary force, besides making the brigade much more 
effective. 

As I know that it is in your power to effect what you think 
just and proper, I put my full confidence in you and hope to 
receive a favorable answer. 

I am, sir, 

Your obedient servant, 
F. SIGEL, 
Colonel Commanding Second Brigade. 
To Col. F. P. Blaik, Jr., Washington, D.C. 



WILSON'S CREEK. 

TESTIMONY OF CAPTAIN PLUMMER. 

The following is the testimony of that gallant officer, then 
Captain, afterward Colonel, and later Brigadier-General Plum- 
mer, given before the Committee on the Conduct of the War : 

Washington, January 9, 1862. 

Colonel John B. Plummer, sworn and examined. 

By the Chairman : 

Q. What is your rank in the army ? 

A. My rank in the old army is that of Captain. I am Colonel 
of the Eleventh Regiment of Missouri Volunteers. 

Q. Where have you served during the present war ? 

A. In Missouri entirely. 

Q. Under whose command ? 

A. Under the general command of General Fremont for a por- 
tion of the time, and subsequently under the general command 
of General Halleck ; under the immediate command of General 
Lyon, and also of General Grant, who now commands the district 
in which my present post is situated. 

Q. You were in the battle of Springfield ? 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. At what time did you join General Lyon's column, or did 
you go under his command at that time ? 

A. We arrived in the neighborhood of Springfield, twelve 
miles from Springfield, on the 1 3th of July. I j oined General Lyon 
on Grand river about a week before that time. 



376 APPENDIX. 

Q. You joined him early in July ? 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. You then marched with Gen. Lyon's column to Spring- 
field? 

A. Yes, sir. The column I was with was Major Sturgis' col- 
umn, that left Kansas City on the 23d of June, and joined General 
Lyon early in July, on Grand river. We proceeded from there 
to Springfield in pursuit of Price's army. We arrived twelve 
miles from Springfield on the 23d of July. I remember that day, 
but not all the others. 

Q. Will you give us, briefly as may be, the movements of Gen- 
eral Lyon's column until the battle of Springfield was fought ? 

A. We lay there from the 13th of July until the 1st of 
August, waiting for re-enforcements. 

Q. What was the strength of your army at that time ? 

A. It was about five thousand five hundred, as was stated by 
General Lyon in a council of war in which I was present. It was 
about that in round numbers ; it fell a little short of that. Gen- 
eral Lyon was satisfied that the enemy was too strong to pursue 
with the force he had, and he waited there for re-enforcements 
and supplies. He was short of supplies. We commanded the 
mills for some ten or fifteen miles about, and got flour in that 
way. The last two weeks of the time before the 1st of August, 
we were without sugar and coffee, and what we call in the army 
" small rations," such as beans, rice, &c. We had fresh beef, 
salt beef, and bread. On the 1st of August, the army moved 
in pursuit of Rains, leaving a force in Springfield to guard the 
train and town. We marched between twenty-five and thirty 
miles south of Springfield. We had a little skirmish with the 
enemy the second day out, at a place called Dug Springs, gave 
them a few shots, and there was a charge of cavalry there. On 
the morning of the 4th of August, General Lyon called a council 
of war, at which I was present ; all the commanding officers of 
battalions, regiments, and corps were present. I was at the 
time in command of a battalion of regulars. He stated to the 
council our force ; that we had no rations — we knew before that 
we were out of small rations ; that we had only about one day's 
ration of bread ; that we would necessarily lose the command of 
the mills where we had obtained supplies of bread, if we moved 



APPENDIX. 377 

on ; we would be reduced to salt and fresh beef, of which we 
could get a sufficient quantity ; and that Rains had been retreat- 
ing before us, apparently luring us on. The question he pro- 
posed to the council was, whether we should pursue further, or 
fall back upon Springfield and wait for re-enforcements and 
supplies, or, after we got back to Springfield, act according to 
circumstances. The unanimous vote of the council was that we 
should fall back. That, as we had no supplies, it would be folly 
for us to pursue Rains further, who was retreating before us 
constantly. General Lyon stated the force of the enemy to be 
about fifteen thousand men, as near as he could ascertain from 
his spies, which, I would remark here, fell far short of their 
actual numbers. 

Q. Was this council of war at Dug Springs ? 

A. It was beyond Dug Springs. We went one day's 
march beyond Dug Springs. We commenced the march back, 
and I think we arrived at Springfield either on the morning of 
the 5 th or the 6th. We commenced the march back on the 
4th. I have been trying to recall whether we were two or 
three days in making our march back, but I will not be positive. 
The enemy, at the same time, were moving on a different road 
south of us toward Springfield. I commanded the rear guard 
of six companies on the day of our starting back, and I could 
see the dust raised by the enemy's troops three or four miles on 
our left. They were evidently moving up toward Springfield 
on another road. I think it was the morning of the 5th that 
we reached Springfield. The question then arose, that morning, 
whether we would remain at Springfield and defend ourselves 
until we received re-enforcements, or whether we would con- 
tinue our retreat right on toward Rolla or Fort Scott. Arriv- 
ing at Springfield tolerably early — about ten o'clock in the morn- 
ing — we could have made some ten or fifteen miles further that 
day. General Lyon consulted several officers in regard to that — 
among the number was myself. Those whom he had known 
intimately he consulted. There were a great many prominent 
citizens of the neighborhood came around him, good Union peo- 
ple, urging him to remain. My own opinion was that we ought to 
remain a few days. We could defend ourselves ; or, at least 
we did not anticipate an immediate attack, probably not in four 



3 7 8 APPENDIX. 

or five days. But my opinion was that we should wait at least 
two or three days for re-enforcements. He stated that he had 
repeatedly written for re-enforcements and was not expecting 
any. That he stated in the first council. He made the remark 
to me — on one occasion in private conversation — that he had 
written and telegraphed for re-enforcements ; that he was aware 
that regiments had been sent out of Missouri after he had 
applied for re-enforcements, for what reason he did not know. 
And he did not know why he had not received any re-enforce- 
ments. Whether that be the case or not, I cannot say. I merely 
state what he said in conversation with me. 

Q. Did he say where they had been sent ? 

A. No, sir; only they had been sent out of Missouri. 
The day we returned to Springfield our troops remained under 
arms, and waited some three or four hours while this matter 
was being considered ; after the consultation was concluded in 
regard to our movements, General Lyon ordered the troops into 
camp ; a decision which I believe was approved by all the offi- 
cers. We lay there until the evening of the 9th, making one or 
two little excursions out during the time in pursuit of detached 
parties of the enemy. I think about that time we received a 
few wagon-loads of supplies from Holla, which gave us some 
five or six days' rations. On the afternoon of the 9th, we 
received marching orders. In the conversations of General Lyon 
with his officers, the only questions that arose were, whether we 
should intrench ourselves at Springfield and wait for re-enforce- 
ments, or retreat upon Rolla ; or rather, if we retreated, whether 
we should retreat upon Rolla or upon Fort Scott, the distance 
to each place being about the same. Fort Scott lay just on the 
other side of the Missouri line, in Kansas : Holla was at the end 
of a railroad. The determination to fight the battle of Spring- 
field was his own — at least he did not consult me. I do not 
know whether he consulted the other officers or not. But I 
would remark here that I was afterward notified that General 
Lyon adopted the wisest course. We had a valuable train, esti- 
mated at over half a million of dollars. There was about two 
hundred or two hundred and fifty thousand dollars in specie 
aboard that train. Had we retreated at once upon Rolla, we 
would have had to fight every day on our retreat. It was a bad 



APPENDIX. 379 

road of one hundred and ten miles, and, being incumbered with 
a very large train, our retreat might have resulted in the loss of 
a large portion of that train. To have intrenched ourselves in 
Springfield, being in doubt whether or not we should get any 
re-enforcements, and being in want of provisions, was a matter 
of perhaps rather doubtful policy. On the afternoon of the 9th 
of August we marched out to fight the enemy. I do not think 
that General Lyon was aware of their real strength. He esti- 
mated them at fifteen thousand men. The force with which we 
left Springfield was about four thousand eight hundred men. 
We had about five thousand five hundred men there ; but we 
had to leave a guard with the train in town, and then there 
were many of the men sick, on extra duty, &c, which 
reduced our marching force to about four thousand eight hun- 
dred. Of that number Colonel Sigel had about one thousand 
five hundred — the two German regiments, one battery of 
artillery, and a squadron of cavalry. And in consideration of the 
battle itself, General Sigel's force should be thrown out entirely, 
because his whole force was dispersed and his battery captured 
within half an hour after the fight commenced. So that the battle 
itself was fought with about from three thousand three hundred 
to three thousand five hundred men, against twenty-three thou- 
sand ; for we ascertained afterward that to have been their 
numbers. Of our forces there were seven companies of regular 
infantry and two batteries of artillery — I suppose altogether not 
over six hundred regulars — and the rest were volunteers : the 
two Kansas regiments, the First Missouri, the Second Iowa, 
whose time had expired at that time. I have but little more to 
say in regard to the battle, except that we whipped them. I 
was with my battalion in the advance that morning ; we marched 
out the night before, and just lay down in the bushes about 
twelve or one o'clock. It rained upon us, and we had nothing 
to eat the next morning. I think very few of us had anything 
to eat that day ; at least I did not. The battle commenced 
about five o'clock in the morning. It was a complete surprise; 
we surprised their camps. I drove in one of their pickets not 
more than half a mile from their camp, and they had not even 
time to give the alarm in the camp before our guns opened upon 
them. The battle lasted from five o'clock until half-past eleven. 



380 APPENDIX. 

They came up four distinct times to attack us, bringing up fresh 
troops each time. 

By Mr. Chandler : 

Q. Each time in force ? 

A. Yes, sir ; each time in force, bringing up fresh troops. 

By the Chairman : 

Q. Why did General Lyon pursue Rains when you first 
started, if he had not a force sufficient ? 

A. McCulloch and Rains had not united, and the object was 
to prevent their doing so. 

By Mr. Chandler : 

Q. Will you give us the particulars of that fight ? 

A. I cannot particularize it. I was on the left myself, and 
carried forward the left attack. I was separated, with my bat- 
talion, from the main portion of the army, by a creek. I was a 
quarter or a half mile from the main portion of our army. I 
fought, for upward of an hour, with two hundred and fifty 
regulars, over two thousand of the enemy, and was forced to 
retreat. I was severely wounded, and in the course of an hour 
and a half was myself in an ambulance. 

Q. You did not see the latter part of the action ? 

A. No, sir ; I can only state what officers told me. My bat- 
talion was saved by Dubois' battery on that occasion. I found 
that I had overwhelming forces against me, and that my left 
flank was going to be turned. I had a creek behind me, with a 
dense chaparral bordering it on both sides, which was almost 
impenetrable, except in one or two places. I came to the con- 
clusion to fall back. I lost forty-nine men in the course of an 
hour, out of two hundred and fifty. 

Q. Can you state the casualties in our army ? 

A. I have Major Sturgis' official report. The casualties I 
can state to be over twelve hundred, I think over thirteen hun- 
dred, killed and wounded. There were not, certainly, over 
three thousand five hundred men of ours in action in the first 
place. 

Q. Can you give a description of those four charges of the 
enemy from hearsay — that is, from the accounts of the officers 
engaged — particularly the last one ? 

A. I do not know that I could give you a description of it. 



APPENDIX. 381 

I have heard officers speak of it ; but in ordinary conversation 
each one describes the particular part of the field where he was 
himself; and it requires considerable reflection to put those 
different things together — to connect properly the different 
incidents in the different parts of the field. 

Q. You say that Major Schofield stated to you that after the 
last repulse it was a perfect rout ; that the enemy fled in the 
wildest confusion ? 

A. Yes, sir ; everybody says that. 

Q. And he also stated that, in attempting to ride forward to 
reconnoitre and see where the enemy were, their dead was piled 
up so thick that he could not ride over them, but had to make 
a considerable devour ? 

A. There was a flag of truce sent out after our return to 
Springfield, as I heard. A young doctor of the army went out 
with it, with a few men and some wagons, to obtain the body 
of General Lyon, and to look for the wounded left on the field. 
He told me that Gen. McCulloch remarked to a non-commis- 
sioned officer — a sergeant — who attended the party, " Your loss 
was very great, but ours was four times yours ; " and I think it 
but a fair estimate to put their loss at least as high as four 
thousand men killed and wounded. 

Q. After this battle you retired ? 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. Can you give us the particulars of that retreat ? 

A. No, sir ; except from hearsay. 

Q. It was conducted in good order, and you were not pur- 
sued? 

A. Yes, sir ; we were not pursued. The fact was the enemy 
was completely crippled. We gained everything that General 
Lyon proposed to gain. 

Q. How many additional troops, in your estimation, would 
have given you a victory, and enabled you to have driven the 
enemy out of Missouri ? 

A. My opinion is that our victory would have been perfect 
and complete with two additional regiments. They were run- 
ning at the time. They burned their trains — we saw them 
burning — so that they could not fall into our hands. They did 
not burn the whole, but what they could conveniently. If we 



382 APPENDIX. 

had known it, we could have held the field as it was, for after- 
ward we heard they were out of ammunition ; that is, they 
had but a few rounds left. 

By the Chairman : 

Q. How long did General Lyon wait at Springfield before he 
undertook his expedition against Rains ? 

A. He waited from the 13th of July till the 1st of August. 

Q. Still his army was inferior to that of the enemy ? 

A. Constantly inferior. 

Q. Vastly inferior ? 

A. Yes, sir ; vastly inferior. 

Q. Why did he advance upon his foe, so much his superior ? 

A. The object of his advance, I suppose, was this : he had 
whipped the enemy at Boonville and pursued Jackson. Follow- 
ing him up, he was joined by the force at Kansas City and 
Leavenworth, with which detachment I was. His object 
was to overtake this force, whip them, and capture them 
or crush them out. But they, in retreating toward the 
Arkansas line, were constantly being re-enforced. When he 
commenced his pursuit, they were not so far superior to his 
forces as they were afterward. If he could have overtaken 
them on the Osage or the Grand river, he could have whipped 
them and captured them. That was his object. The reason 
why he did not do that was on account of the high water. The 
enemy burned the bridges as they fled, and it had rained inces- 
santly for several days, and the whole country was flooded. We 
had to lay by two or three days at a time to get across the 
streams. In the meantime the enemy was re-enforced with 
Arkansas, Tennessee, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas troops. 
They had troops from all those States. 

Q. How long after you joined him at Springfield did he 
start on this expedition ? 

A. I joined him about a week before we reached Springfield. 

Q. If I understand you, at the time he started upon that 
expedition, the enemy's force was not so much superior to his 
own ? 

A. No, sir ; he was pursuing the same force that he whipped at 
Boonville. Then there was a force that lay near Kansas City that 
joined Price afterward. 



APPENDIX. 383 

Q. Why did he wait so long for re- enforcements before he 
started on this expedition ? 

A. He did not wait for re-enforcements at that time. He was 
delayed three or four days getting transportation for his troops. 

Q. He was not waiting for re-enforcements ? 

A. No, sir ; not at all. He only waited for re-enforcements 
after he reached Springfield and found out what their strength 
was. Then, instead of advancing upon them, he waited for 
re-enforcements. The little advance that he made on the 1st of 
August was because he had an idea that he could divide their 
forces and whip them in detail. They had not united then. 
Rains had a separate column, Price had another, and McCul- 
loch was coming up with re-enforcements. But at that time 
they were very much superior to our forces. I mean when we 
reached Springfield. 

Q. Then why did he pursue them from Springfield — a force 
so much his superior ? 

A. He pursued them to attack a separate column. He was 
going to adopt the idea of Napoleon, to whip the enemy in 
detail, thinking he could overtake Rains and whip his 
forces, and thus cripple them. But they were all united at the 
battle of Springfield — Rains, Price, and McCulloch. 

Q. Did I understand you that he did not wait for re-enforce- 
ments at Springfield; and if not, where did he wait for them? 

A. He waited at Springfield for them. 

Q. I asked you, first, why, when the enemy had a superior 
force, he started on this expedition, for I understood you to say, 
just before that, that the force of the enemy was vastly superior 
to that of General Lyon. I understood you to say that the 
force was not so much superior when he started on the expedi- 
tion, but it accumulated on the way. 

A. I misunderstood you. When you referred to the starting 
of the expedition, I thought you referred to his starting from 
Boonville. 

Q. I was trying to get at this. He had been waiting for re- 
enforcements at Springfield, which he did not get. I wanted to 
know why, with an inferior force, he set out on the expedition 
from Springfield against the enemy ? 

A. I will explain that as I understand it : General Lyon was 



384 APPENDIX. 

aware that the combined forces of the enemy were vastly supe- 
rior to ours. He stated, in the council of war, that they had 
fifteen thousand men, — about three to our one ; but he had his 
spies out, who gave him an idea where each column of the 
enemy was. There were re-enforcements for the enemy coming 
up, which were within striking distance of there. When General 
Lyon marched from Springfield, he marched out in pursuit of 
Rains and his one detachment of the enemy's forces, thinking he 
could overtake him and whip him before the others could come 
up. But Rains retreated, drawing us on, and as they were pur- 
suing the road which led them toward Springfield, we fell 
back upon Springfield, because we could not abandon that 
place and our baggage-trains and supplies. I am speaking now 
of the expedition from Springfield, of the 1st of August. "We 
returned, I think, on the morning of the 5th of August. 

Q. How far is Springfield from St. Louis ? 

A. It is one hundred and ten miles from Rolla, and I believe 
Rolla is about the same distance from St. Louis. Springfield is 
about two hundred and twenty miles from St. Louis. 

Q. You made a stand at Springfield. Were you under the 
necessity of fighting a battle there, or could you have retreated 
still further from the enemy ? You say your forces at Spring- 
field were vastly inferior to those of the enemy ? 

A. I will give you what I believe was General Lyon's idea at 
the time. 

Q. Could he retreat before them, and, if so, would it have 
been prudent to have done it ? 

A. My opinion is that the wisest course was to fight in the 
way he did fight. General Lyon was mistaken in the strength 
of the enemy. He did not think they were over fifteen thousand 
men, when in fact they were over twenty thousand. But the 
attacking force always has the advantage, in the moral effect 
upon the troops, and in everything. If you move forward 
troops even a hundred yards in time of action, it gives them 
courage. If you fall back that distance, it intimidates them. 
General Lyon's idea was to surprise their camp, as we did ; to 
make a bold dash upon them when our men were full of cour- 
age and animation, and whip them or cripple them, which in 
fact was accomplished, with the loss of his own life. 



APPENDIX. 385 

By Mr. Chandler : 

Q. So that they could not pursue ? 

A. Yes, sir. If we had retreated without that fight, our 
forces would have been intimidated, and we would have had to 
fight every day, and perhaps lost a valuable train. 

By the Chairman : 

Q. You understood General Lyon to say he got no re-enforce- 
ments, and yet troops were sent out of the State ? 

A. I did. He did not state where, and I do not know. 

Q. Had re-enforcements been sent when General Lyon first 
called for them, would they have reached him in time for this 
battle ? 

A. Undoubtedly. He sent for them three or four weeks 
before. * * * In a conversation with Colonel Wyman 
(Thirteenth Illinois Infantry), he made the statement to me that 
one regiment was ordered forward (Seventh Missouri), from 
Rolla, and the Colonel refused to march for want of transporta- 
tion. That was stated to me by Colonel Wyman. In ordinary 
marching through the country, it would have taken seven or 
eight days for troops to reach Springfield from St. Louis. But 
I want to qualify that by stating that on an emergency forced 
marches could have been made. The distance, allowing one 
day from St. Louis to Rolla, on the railroad, and one hundred 
and ten miles of marching from Rolla to Springfield, could have 
easily been made in four days, if the men expected a battle. 
But if they did not expect anything at the end of their journey, 
they might have taken six or seven days. 

By Mr. Covode : 

Q. Did General Lyon ever tell you upon whom he called for 
re-enforcements ? 

A. It is my impression that he did remark to me that he had 
telegraphed to Washington for re-enforcements ; that he not 
only had written to the headquarters of the department, but had 
sent telegraphic dispatches through to Washington. 

Q. Did he not tell you that he first telegraphed to the War 
Department, and afterward to Colonel Blair, to urge them to 
send on re-enforcements, or he would be overpowered ? 

A. I could not state that. He may have said so. I had con- 
versations with him several times. He was a classmate of mine, 
!? 



386 appendix. 

and I had rather frequent conversations with him ; and the con- 
versations I had with him at different times left the impression 
upon my mind that he had repeatedly written and telegraphed 
to St. Louis and Washington. 

Q. Did he not tell you that he had repeatedly written and 
telegraphed to the War Department and got no reply, and then 
he telegraphed to Colonel Blair to urge it ? 

A. The last part of your remark I do not remember about ; 
that he had telegraphed to the War Department and received 
no reply, I think he did say. There was no telegraph in opera- 
tion at that time from Springfield to St. Louis. But he had 
sent telegraphic dispatches through, to be sent over the wires 
from St. Louis, or the first telegraphic station. 

By the Chairman : 

Q. If General Lyon had not pursued the enemy at Springfield, 
but had waited there and intrenched himself, could he have 
defended himself? 

A. That is a matter of opinion. In my opinion it would have 
been more difficult for him to have defended himself at Spring- 
field against the attacks of the enemy than it was to whip them 
in the open field. 

Q. You think the stand you made was more effective than to 
have waited for re-enforcements ? 

A. Yes, sir ; a thousand times. 

TESTIMONY OP ADJUTANT-GENERAL HARDING. 

[Before the " Committee on the Conduct of the War."] 
Q. Can you give, in general terms, the number of troops 
available in his dejoartment at that time [arrival of Fre- 
mont] ? 

A. Here is a statement which shows the position of all our 
Missouri troops at the time when General Fremont arrived. The 
First Regiment, Colonel Blair, was at Springfield ; the Second 
Regiment was in the arsenal for mustering out and reorgainza- 
tion ; the Third Regiment was at Springfield, Missouri, with the 
exception of the three months' men, who had returned to be 
mustered out ; the Fourth Regiment was in the arsenal to be 
mustered out and reorganized ; the Fifth Regiment was at 
Springfield, Missouri, with the exception of the three months' 



APPENDIX. 387 

men, who had returned to be mustered out; the Sixth Regi- 
ment, Colonel Bland, was at Pilot Knob and Ironton ; of the 
Seventh Regiment, two companies were in Jefferson City and 
eight in Boonville ; the Eighth Regiment was then at the Abbey- 
Park, in St. Louis ; the Ninth Regiment had but two hundred 
and twenty-six men, distributed around among skeleton 
companies, and they were at the arsenal, not clothed or equipped ; 
the Tenth Regiment was in the same condition, and with about 
the same number of troops. What afterward became the Engi- 
neer Regiment of the West was then just started, and there were 
seventy-six mechanics in the arsenal ; Buell's battery, one hun- 
dred and fifty-four men, were in the arsenal, and we had just 
received authority to keep them and get them their guns and 
artillery equipments ; there were five hundred and fifty-four of 
Bayles' rifle battalion at Rolla ; there were three hundred and 
seven, that is, three companies, of the Twenty-third Illinois in 
the arsenal, but under orders to go to Jefferson City, where the 
remaining seven companies were stationed ; there were two 
companies of Backhof s artillery battalion in the field at Spring- 
field ; a portion of one company was at Jefferson City and 
another portion at Boonville ; of the pioneer company, one 
hundred and twenty men, half of it was at Springfield, a section 
was in St. Charles, and a section at Pilot Knob ; first four regi- 
ments of the United States Reserve Corps were in St. Louis ; and 
of the Fifth, a part was at Lexington and a part at St. Louis. 
Besides these, there were twenty-three companies of Home Guards, 
who were guarding the railroad bridges and tracks in different 
parts of the State ; making a total of fifteen thousand nine hun- 
dred and forty-three troops. ***** 
In addition to what I have already mentioned, there were two 
regiments of Illinois troops and one of Iowa troops, the Second 
Iowa, Colonel, now General Curtis, upon the line or the Hanni- 
bal and St. Joseph railroad. General Pope was in No *theast Mis- 
souri with a portion of his division. I do not know wh^t troops 
or regiments constituted his force. Colonel Mulligan was at 
Jefferson City. General Lyon's column consisted of the First 
Missouri Rifle Battalion ; of the Second Missouri, two companies ; 
the Third Missouri and the Fifth Missouri — these two last regi- 
ments having been weakened by the loss of their three months' 



i 

388 APPENDIX. 

•men ; the First Iowa, the First and Second Kansas ; five com- 
panies of regular infantry, and five companies, I think, of regular 
cavalry — I believe there were five. He also had Totten's bat- 
tery, regulars ; two volunteer batteries, and Dubois' regular bat- 
tery. * * * Marsh's Twentieth Illinois regiment was at Cape 
Girardeau, and Wyman's Thirteenth Illinois, about one thousand 
strong, at Eolla. * * * * * * 

On the 14th of June, 1861, Brigadier-General Lyon moved up the 
Missouri river, taking with him the First and Second Regiments 
Missouri Volunteers, three small companies of regular infantry, 
Totten's battery (four pieces), and an eight- inch howitzer, with 
a few artillerists. On the day before a battalion of the Third 
Missouri had been sent to the Southwest, and was speedily fol- 
lowed by the remainder of that regiment, the Fifth Missouri, 
two batteries (four pieces each) of light artillery, and a battalion 
of rifles. The last-named corps was to occupy the railroad to 
Rolla, until relieved by the Home Guard, and afterward to 
garrison that place. Such of the troops as could be spared from 
Fort Leavenworth and two regiments of Kansas volunteers'had 
been ordered to make their way to Springfield, where it was 
designed that the three columns should effect a junction. At 
the same time, the Fourth Missouri occupied Bird's Point ; one 
Illinois and two Iowa regiments held the line of the Hannibal 
and St. Joseph railroad ; the arsenal was garrisoned by the 
skeleton companies of the then unformed Sixth, Seventh and 
Eighth Missouri, numbering about eight hundred bayonets, all 
told ; the powder magazine was held by Captain Tracy, with a 
half company of recruits ; and St. Louis was left in charge of a 
small company of United States General Service Recruits and the 
United States Revenue Corps, which could not be moved from 
there without their consent. Excepting a few outposts in Kan- 
sas and Nebraska, there were no other troops subject to General 
Lyon's orders. ****** 

At Boo -^ville General Lyon was joined by the First Iowa, and 
troops from Illinois were sent to fill their places on the Hanni- 
bal and St. Joseph railroad — the country along the line being 
in such a disturbed condition that a large force had to be main- 
tained in that region. While General Lyon was lying at Boon- 
ville, he received the official information that Missouri had been 



APPENDIX. 38§ 

« 

detached from the Department of the West and attached to the 
Department of the Ohio, under command of Major -General 
McClellan. During the same interval the Fifth Regiment 
United States Reserve Corps was sent up the river, and eventu- 
ally became the garrison of Lexington; the Fourth Regiment of 
the same corps, with three companies of the Third, and the 
small company of general service recruits above mentioned, 
were ordered to the Southwest, to strengthen Sigel's column ; a 
part, and, at a later period, the whole of the Seventh Missouri 
Regiment were stationed at Boonville, which place they held on 
the 26th of July, 1861. 



GENERAL SHERMAN'S EULOGY ON LYON. 

At Jefferson City, on the occasion of the inauguration of the 
Lyon Monument Association, General William T. Sherman made 
the following speech : 

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen — After the full 
and most excellent address of your Senator, it would be in bad 
taste for me to consume much of your time , but as a fellow-sol- 
dier and companion of the dead hero, I can but simply offer the 
soldier's commendation, and assure you that many a loving 
heart and many a brave, far away, will bound with new pleasure 
when they read that your Senator has come from his seat in 
Washington, that your Governor has presided at this meeting, 
and that the assembled representatives of the State of Missouri 
have laid aside their daily labor to do honor to one who shed 
his blood that you and I and those who come after us may enjoy 
a government of law, of liberty and perpetuity. It was my for- 
tune to know well the subject that has brought us together to- 
night — Nathaniel Lyon. He came to West Point in 1837, when 
I was there. He was a fair-haired, blue-eyed boy, little looking 
like the bold, courageous leader he afterward turned out to be. 
But any one observant of human nature could, in his quick eye, 
observe a determination, even in his boyhood days, to grasp 
firmly whatever he undertook. Again, in Florida, amid the 
everglades, I met him again, when manhood had given strength 
and form to his body and mind, and then his courage and his 



390 APPENDIX. 

vindicated earnestness led many of us to say that he outstrip- 
ped his discretion. 

Again, in California. I happened there also when he came, 
after he had been crowned with success at Contreras, leading a 
gallant charge. I saw him in California, also, when was com- 
mitted to him the charge, with two small companies, to cover 
an exposed frontier, and many who are living now remember 
how he toiled over the mountains, carrying boats on wagons 
where boats had never been seen, to the rich Indian hiding- 
places, amid the lakes of the Clear Lake valley. Nor did he tarry 
there, but on through mountain passes to the old Ked 
River country. It may be there are some old Calif ornians here 
who will remember the character of that country. He struck 
a blow to those Indians that they remember to this day. 
Nor did he cease then, but with characteristic energy, which 
marks his whole life, he moved on to Sacramento to avenge 
the death of one we all loved, though you may not remember 
him — Captain Warner — who was killed by those Indians. Those 
of us who were familiar with these incidents in his career will 
ever remember Lyon. Thus, long, long before you had heard 
of him, this man, so famous with you, had been schooled in a 
school which simply brought forth the natural characteristics of 
his mind and body ; and when he came to Kansas, and after- 
ward to Missouri, he was qualified and capable of seeing deeper 
and further into the purposes of men than many who make it 
their study. 

I met him for the last time, as friend and companion, at the 
arsenal — at that time, I a citizen, he a soldier, still a captain — 
Captain of the Second Regiment of infantry. I saw at a glance, 
by his movement and manner, putting a little redoubt here and 
posting a gun, not uttering a word, erecting a scaffolding in one 
place and there punching a hole through a stone wall in another 
place, that the men plotting to destroy this Government and 
seize that arsenal would meet more than they bargained for if 
they attempted it. Then, for the first time, when arsenal after 
arsenal had fallen, and fort after fort yielded, on the mere de- 
mand of a mob of men, they met their match there, and they came 
no further ; nor did Lyon as stated, nor could he, brook delay. He 
did not wait till the meshes and trammels which were being 



APPENDIX. 391 

plotted for him were perfected. Probably in this very town 
of Jefferson City he took the initiative — the first man in this 
country that seized the whole question and took the initiative, 
and determined to strike a blow, and not wait for the blow to 
be struck. I remember him well during that time, and his 
argumentations and reasoning were close and pointed. No 
lawyer could have argued a case or statesman broached with 
broader and better views. He did strike, and you know he 
took Camp Jackson, and followed it up to this point, thence to 
Boonville, and so on to Springfield. Up to that point no one 
can question either the wisdom or energy with which he con- 
ducted his post. Some, it is said, cautioned him to delay, others 
to withdraw, simply because he could not obtain a force ade- 
quate to the end in view — to meet the concentrated forces of 
Price and McCulloch. But Lyon was right. He struck the 
blow, and had he lived never again in Missouri would you 
have had a foe to contend with, and peace would have reigned 
here from that time. (Applause.) 

But man proposes and God disposes, and in consequence 
Lyon is in the tomb. We cannot add a mite to his fame nor to 
his station ; we cannot change the fact, and must accept it as 
one of the mysterious dispensations of Providence. But to-day, 
which of you would not rather be the dead Lyon in his quiet 
grave in Connecticut than to be his opponent now in a far-off 
land and an outcast (applause) ; or that other opponent of his, 
who in yonder city simply tarries a few brief years, till the grave 
will take him up, unknown and unsung. Better, far better, for 
Lyon as he is, and none would exchange with the other parties. 
(Applause.) 

Now, my friends, you are here after a great battle. The war 
and the smoke have cleared away ; no longer confusion troubles 
you ; no enemy harasses you ; and the duty devolves on you 
to see to it that those men who have shed their blood and who 
lie in remote graves are sought for, and that their memories are 
treasured up, where they belong, in history. And you owe it to 
your State and to the children who are to come after you to 
make sufficient recognition of their services. The life of a man 
is nothing. It comes to-day and goes to-morrow. Its span is 
the span of a hand ; still it is the most precious thing that we 



392 APPENDIX. 

possess. All men struggle to maintain their lives ; and when 
such a man as Lyon gives up his life unhesitatingly and unfal- 
teringly, he simply consigns himself to your care and the care of 
those for whom he gave up his life. You, therefore, in honoring 
him, in honoring his memory, in reviving and reviewing his 
virtues, simply do that which does honor to yourself, to your 
State, and to those who are to follow you. I say, therefore, 
erect your obelisk and inscribe upon it the name and virtues of 
this man, and let your children point to it, that they may see 
the course which leads to the approbation of men and the 
honor of his fellow-men. You may, of course, do him no good 
now, but you may do yourselves and children good by com- 
memorating his virtues and erecting this tablet to his name. 

I have, therefore, simply appeared before you to-night to be 
one of the advocates of this undertaking. I care not myself in 
what form you may choose to honor his memory ; but the State 
of Missouri, in recognizing the services of General Lyon, recog- 
nizes what the world knows to be so, that he gave his life to 
his whole country, but more especially that you should no 
longer be harassed by the dread calamities of invasion. That 
he did not succeed was not owing to a lack of personal exertion, 
but to other causes which he could not control. The act itself 
was as pure and godlike as any that ever characterized a 
soldier on the field of battle. 

There were many features in Lyon's character very few 
understood. He was not only a courageous man, but a very 
gentle man — a kindly man. At a time when his mind was 
absorbed with great topics he was blind, of course, to the 
commonplace events of daily life, but when not thus absorbed 
there was none more gentle or kind to his fellow-officers or 
more beloved by his men. Thus the shock that made plain the 
destiny of the country brought out the strong features in his 
character, and you in Missouri saw him amid the tempest and 
whirlwind of war, when he was pulled hither and thither, and 
when he only kept in view one single mark — a mark which he 
thought led to the safety and honor of his country. I wish he 
could have lived, for he possessed many of those qualities 
which were needed in the first two or three years of the war, 
and his death imposed on the nation a penalty numbered by 



APPENDIX. 393 

thousands on thousands of lives and millions on millions of 
dollars. 

But, gentlemen, I did not intend to make any lengthy 
remarks. I thank you for your attention. (Loud applause.) 

At the conclusion of General Sherman's remarks, brief ad- 
dresses were also made by Lieutenant-Governor Smith, Senators 
Doniphan, Muench, Pratt, Norris, and others. 



Letter from Hon. M. F. Conway, formerly member of Congress 
from Kansas : 

Richmond, Va., 2d April, 1866. 

My Dear Sin — * ******** 
* * * It is true I was intimately acquainted with him 
(Lyon) at one period of his life. In 1854, 1855, and 1856, he 
was stationed in Kansas, and for six months we were much to- 
gether. During this time we occupied adjoining rooms in the 
same house, and messed at the same table. Our intercourse was 
very close and sympathetic. He was a man of ardent tempera- 
ment, and a bold thinker. He was much given to reflection and 
discussion, and the subjects which interested him most were of 
a theological, social, and political character. He was a Demo- 
crat in the largest sense of the term, and held the most advanced 
views on all public questions. 

Though General Lyon was a student, and had a taste for lit- 
erature, it was not for his scholarship or culture, or anything of 
that sort, which, in my estimation, he deserved to be considered 
a man of mark, but for his greatness of soul, implying capacity 
to meet emergencies and dispose of events according to his own 
will. He had the quality of a conqueror, and death only it 
was, I am persuaded, that prevented him from becoming the 
victorious leader of our armies in the late struggle for a regen- 
erated Union. * * * * * . * 

Truly yours, 

M. F. CONWAY. 
Colonel James Peckham. 
17* 



394 APPENDIX. 

Extract of a letter from Hon. Jno. A. Gurley, of Ohio, to 
Hon. M. Blair, Washington City, dated, 

Cincinnati, September 11, 1861. 
***** Truth compels me to say that if it 
were not for the Colonel' (your brother), who keeps open house 
for all comers, including complainers, and uses every exertion 
to reconcile them to the condition of things, there would be 
almost open mutiny. He is the corner-stone of the whole move- 
ment in Missouri, and I have more confidence in his judgment 
and management than all the rest put together. His house is 
thronged with people from all parts of the State, who come for 
succor. ****** 



WRITINGS OF LYON. 



We give place, for the gratification of the reader, to the fol- 
lowing articles written by Captain Nathaniel Lyon to the 
Manhattan Express, during the canvass of 1860 : 

THE MORAL OP THE QUESTION. 

In ascertaining our relations to the world around us, we find, 
by our observation and experience, and by precept, transmitting 
the wisdom of preceding ages, that certain rules and regulations 
are necessary for our welfare and happiness. Some of these 
rules apply to ourselves, in our individual capacity, to regulate 
our habits of diet, sleep, industry, amusements, &c, and others 
to our social relations, and regulate our intercourse with those 
around us. 

Of these rules, such as contribute to our own welfare and 
happiness, and that of the community in general, are called 
Morals, and constitute the code of morals, in contradistinction 
to those which are pernicious, and are called vices, and consti- 
tute crimes. Upon this view, whatever contributes most to our 
welfare and that of the community — and so interwoven are our 
own interests with those of society, that whatever we do for one 
is necessarily done for the other — is the highest of morals ; and, 
therefore, as has been well said by our best of philosophers, we 
need no other rule for our guidance than that of " our own 
self-love, that universal principle of action." 

And if, in pursuing this rule, we secure our substantial and 
permanent welfare, this welfare will of necessity manifest itself 
in some physical advancement and advantages, and our standard 
of morality may, therefore, be assumed to be that course of con- 
duct which, in the long run, contributes most to our physical 
wealth and prosperity. 

Under the vicious system spring irregularities, suffering, and 



396 APPENDIX. 

misery, and finally weakness and decay, till, on the verge of 
despair, the subjects of it either sink and expire, both individ- 
ually and socially, or, by reform, avail themselves of the moral 
regimen, and return to prosperity and happiness. 

The history of the world is full of the ups and downs of 
individuals and of nations under the operations of these laws — 
prosperity begetting presumption, arrogance, and a disregard of 
the moral law, till a consequent suffering effects premature death, 
or impels reform and relief. New nations, societies, and clans, 
being at first weak, usually on initiating their organizations and 
institutions adopt strictly the moral code, and by this means, 
more than by any inherent virtues of this system, prosper for a 
time, till pride and presumption follow with countervailing 
effects. 

Our own national existence affords an illustration of these 
views. Correct or moral in the administration of our laws at 
home and our intercourse with other nations, our people were 
contented and loyal, and through these means our Government 
strong ; while with our neighbors amicable and disarmed of 
malice, we were secure from harm abroad. Modest and sub- 
dued from our toils and sufferings, and industrious from our 
poverty, our people and country rose in wealth, power, and pop- 
ularity, and all eyes turned in wonder and admiration upon so 
worthy an example for observation and imitation. 

But a metamorphosis now interposes. While we have lost none 
of the elements of our prosperity, we find discordance and din 
throughout our land, discontent at home and disgrace abroad. 
Government, with the fatuity of James II., wars upon the sacred 
popular rights of our people, to obtrude an obnoxious institu- 
tion over a people who refuse to admit it, and, with revolting 
disregard of moral obligations, involves us in turpitude, with 
covertly lending itself to the slave-trade, and filibustering 
schemes against our neighbors. A long-standing compact, 
which had formed an adjustment of otherwise irreconcilable dif- 
ferences on the slavery question, is ruthlessly torn asunder, in 
utter disregard and contempt of the wishes of one of the parties 
to it, and border-ruffian rule stalks unrestrained, with iron heels, 
over the fair surface of Kansas, leaving behind the lurid clouds 
of slavery. 



APPENDIX. 397 

Stung with mortification, and enraged at these events, uprose 
our masses, who, after several confused manifestations of feel- 
ings, have settled into the compact and effective organization of 
the Republican party. An appeal is now made in behalf of 
slavery and the outrages which have characterized the attempt 
to extend it, to this great party of opposition to the wrongs and 
rapacity of the Democracy, upon the ground of our dogma, with 
which we set out, that morals conduce to physical benefits ; and 
the converse, that whatever is highly and permanently beneficial 
is therefore moral. For it is said (and we admit it), let our 
sophisms be what they may, let perverse theories of morals arise 
upon innumerably contested theological points, all must settle 
down to, and acquiesce in, those physical results which secure us 
the greatest wealth and happiness. And as slavery constitutes 
the wealth of the South, and the proceeds of slave labor have 
lately enriched it much, and enhanced, through its produc- 
tion of cotton, rice, tobacco, &c, the wealth and happiness of 
the civilized world, therefore slavery is the normal state of soci- 
ety in morals, and consequent physical results. Therefore is it 
a pious duty to maintain it where it is, and a blessing to extend 
it ; and plighted faith broken, a sacred compact annulled, and 
obligations to honor disregarded are but the needful and excus- 
able sacrifice to so philanthropic an object. 

The sudden rise in the value of labor, from the opening of the 
California mines, and of the price of cotton, from the increased 
demand for it for emigrant and mining life, army service, and 
on our ships of commerce, have given undoubted advancement 
to the wealth of the slave States, and to the value of the slave, 
and this sudden and unexpected rise from dilapidation and pov- 
erty has led to the erroneous presumption of merit and advant- 
age in the institution of slavery. For, though circumstances 
have combined to increase the prosperity of the South, the 
North has availed herself of her superior industry and enter- 
prise to develope her wealth to a degree more than correspond- 
ing to that of the South, and she, as well as other portions of 
the civilized world, still have comparatively the moral advant- 
age, upon the standard of physical effects, by which she must 
still loth slavery, as of her old and former aspect — the super- 
inducing cause of misery and poverty. 



398 APPENDIX. 

With the patrons of the system, upon the standard of morals 
and of physical effects, we have only to deal so far as in Con- 
gress and the operations of the General Government (now unfor- 
tunately under their control) their influence is felt. 

How that influence has been exerted was shown to some 
extent, not long since, as we mentioned, by the investigations of 
the Covode Committee, and the exhibition may be well left to 
an intelligent people to judge of the morally elevating effects 
of the slave system, and how far an appeal for the further exten- 
sion of it commends itself to their judgment. 

THE MORAL OP THE QUESTION. 

In our former article, under this head, we considered the mor- 
als of slavery under the new and recent claims set up for it, that, 
as an element of essential prosperity and wealth to the South, it 
must be accepted as of moral character, because of its beneficial 
physical effects. If the recent improvement of the South, from 
the great rise in cotton and price of labor, though less in degree 
than that at the North, has made any converts to the system, they 
are welcome to their new faith, and we ask no co-operation for 
our cause from persons of such easy virtue. But this is a pre- 
text on the part of the slave interest, to justify the position they 
have attained in the control of the national Government, 
through artifice on their part and subserviency of Northern 
doughfaces. 

At first, under the general disapprobation of the Fathers of 
the Kepnblic, and the execration of the civilized world, the slave 
interest sought shelter and excuse under a plea of having been 
unavoidably imposed and submitted to, and appealed to the 
magnaminity of our national association for its toleration. Not 
only has this toleration been free and unstinted, but security of 
it confirmed in our national organization, and subsequent oper- 
ations of the national Government. Though slavery formerly 
existed in nearly all the States, such was the opposition to it at 
the North, that great concessions were required on her part to 
the relations that must arise from its existence in the Union. 
The generosity of this concession and faithful adherence to it 
have, in times gone by, had their happy effects in mutual confi- 
dence and good-will between the two sections of our country. 



APPENDIX. 399 

But uneasy and aspiring men South, affect alarm at the ranting 
of a few insane abolitionists at the North, and presuming upon 
the generosity of the North, clamor for such an enunciation of 
principles as shall suit their wishes, on the part of the party, 
North, to which they shall give their support. Though not 
united at first in this scheme it has become so, and is now the 
leading policy of Southern statesmen, and with the aid of a few 
Northern mercenaries such has been their success, that from 
affecting fear for the safety of slavery they now exact a national 
support of it, and require of their candidate for the Presidency, 
a pledge to use his influence for this purpose, and, as the most 
satisfactory evidence of his fidelity, that he shall give most of the 
offices under the Government to Southern men. A notable 
instance, under this head, has recently transpired. Our read- 
ers must have noticed the death of General Jessup of the army 
— a man of eminence and ability — who, in dying, left vacant the 
position he held, at the head of his corps, as Quartermaster Gen- 
eral of the army. The next officer in rank to him in the Quar- 
termaster's corps — a corps composed of Colonels, Lieutenant- 
Colonels, Majors, and Captains — was Colonel Thomas, of Penn- 
sylvania, who being in regular order of promotion, and fitted for 
it, was promised the vacancy by the President, who, it is said, 
held out this promise to the latest moment. But alas ! Colonel 
Thomas is not from a slave State, and a doughface Northern 
President must show his soundness on the goose, and his sub- 
serviency to Southern demands, by giving this appointment to 
one who is. Colonel Johnson, of Virginia, is the man, and, as 
understood, a fit appointment enough, except the motives to it, 
and the cruel disregard of others eligibly entitled to it ; if he 
were from the North, he would have no rights under the Gov- 
ernment. This instance is mentioned, only as a recent and 
prominent one, of the success under the present and past admin- 
istrations of the South in controlling the Government and Gov- 
ernment appointments, upon the eternal cry of " Nigger" — a 
stock of political capital which we believe to be well nigh 
exhausted. The monopoly of Government appointments by the 
South, is, of course, well known, and the application of Govern- 
ment money to secure votes and the election of Northern men to 
subserve Southern interests has been partially shown by the 



400 APPENDIX. 

Covode Committee in Congress. Our Secretary of the Navy 
figures largely in corrupt contracts for building vessels, furnish- 
ing coal, hands, etc., and due investigations into other depart- 
ments would doubtless have made equally unpleasant exposures. 
Our exquisite Army Secretary has already figured conspicuously 
in the Fort Snelling sale, and Willett's Point purchase, and we 
have learned of several transactions of like venality. The pur- 
chases of horses and mules for the Utah army was let out to 
contractors (who of course wore the right colors on the slav- 
ery question) at enormous rates, and who sublet at about half 
these rates. Soon after these animals reached Utah, a mania 
for economy prompts our loyal Secretary to direct a prompt sale 
of them, on so short a notice and such arbitrary conditions, that 
only some favored confidants and capitalists can purchase, and 
upon being thus sold at a great sacrifice, are again repurchased 
by the Government in Oregon. The firm of Major & Russell had 
a monopolizing contract to carry supplies to Utah, and a large 
army kept there gives them a large business and corre- 
sponding profits, but on losing this business this year, by being 
underbid, and getting that for New Mexico, the troops are at 
once transferred to this latter place, leaving Utah nearly vacant, 
while both the President and Secretary admit that the Mormons 
will again presume upon the weakness of Government authority 
there, to renew open hostility to it. Our troops here upon our 
Indian border, and upon whom our safety depends against the 
hostile Kiowas and Comanches hovering near us, are, we have 
just learned, ordered to a different station to swell the flow of 
business-profits for the Major & Russell firm. 

Corn, we see by advertisements, is to be furnished these dis- 
tant posts per transportation of this firm from Kansas City, 
when in our vicinity, at from one hundred and fifty to two 
hundred miles nearer, plenty of corn can be had at a saving of 
half the cost at Kansas City, and the price of transportation for 
this distance. This business transacted here would save one 
hundred per cent, to the Government, and greatly relieve our 
community, so much in want of a market. True, our people 
are not sound on the goose, but we regret this must involve so 
much loss to Government. We have heard of such things be- 
fore, but not felt them at our doors. A contractor was allowed 



APPENDIX. 401 

to furnish flour in Utah, at cost in Leavenworth, and price of 
transportation added, which would make it rate some $28 per 
one hundred pounds, but who purchased there on the spot, at 
from $6 to $8 per one hundred pounds, and thereby realized 
over some $20 per one hundred pounds upon his contract. 

If slavery engenders this spirit, or exacts of government such 
practices in its behalf, we shall hardly become adherents to the 
standard of morals claimed for it. 

Jcly28,1860. 



TRUE TO HIS MISSION. 

Squatter sovereignty, or the sovereignty of the people in the 
territories over their domestic affairs, including slavery, has 
been the affected hobby of Mr. Douglas, though in practice, as 
we have before shown in our columns, the readiness with which 
he abandons every principle that would give efficacy to that 
term, renders him a squatter to the mire of self-humiliation, and 
this hobby one of sovereign squattereignty. This was seen in 
his ready acquiescence in the border ruffian and federal execu- 
tive tyranny over Kansas, in violation of the squatter sover- 
eignty doctrines in the Toombs Bill, which scorned it, and in 
the Dred Scott decision, which annihilates every vestige of it. 

To render the whole j>ower and patronage of the Government 
subservient to the interests of the slaveholders, and struggling 
with a resolution and desperation peculiar to his character, is, 
and ever has been, the true mission of Mr. Douglas ; and that 
he will never swerve from it we think evident to all who have 
observed his direct purpose but tortuous course to this end. 

When the sentiment of the country was so averse to slavery 
that Missouri was denied, for two years, admission to the Union, 
because her constitution provided for slavery, she finally came 
in on condition that the country west of her should never have 
slavery. Mr. Douglas, in looking back upon the trick by which 
a slave State is acquired, glories over it, and rejoices in the sa- 
credness of the binding contract, " akin to the Constitution, 
which no ruthless hand will ever be reckless enough to disturb." 

Texas is admitted, and he affects fairness toward the North, 
by resolving that slavery shall not exist north of 36:30, which 



402 APPENDIX. 

was the Missouri compromise line. . Bear in mind this line now 
has, with him, no constitutional objections. Our conquests from 
Mexico must next have their adjustment upon the slavery issue. 
California was already demanding admission as a free State, 
and, the more justly, clamorous, because the slave question has 
prevented the provision for her of a territorial government. 

Utah, under the name of Deseret, was in the same condition ; 
and New Mexico preparing to take the same attitude. Gen- 
eral Taylor, then President, seizing upon these features, recom- 
mended them to the favor of Congress as the best method of 
avoiding the angry contest over slavery. This would never do ; 
Mr. Douglas, fearing the favor of public sentiment, which 
required the application of the proviso against slavery intro- 
duced by Mr. Wilmot, and since called the Wilmot Proviso, 
again invokes the efficacy of the Missouri compromise line, 
against which no constitutional scruples now arise, excusing 
himself to the South that this is the best that he can do, as it 
is the only alternative of the Wilmot Proviso. Finally the ter- 
ritories were organized upon the basis of ignoring the subject of 
slavery, till, on becoming a State, the people were to provide for 
or against slavery, as they should see fit. 

Kansas now seems to offer herself an easy prey to the cupidity 
of the slaveholders of Missouri, who being settled upon, and 
within her boundary, assured our pro-slavery missionary they 
could easily control this subject, if the Missouri compromise 
restriction were removed. This he sets about and accom- 
plishes, raising himself the hand he had characterized as ruth- 
less, to disturb a compact which, so long as it served pro-slavery 
purposes, was to be regarded as " canonized in the hearts of the 
American people," &c, but which, now that it restrains such 
purposes, must be recklessly torn asunder. Kansas is so framed 
as to be made an easy victim ; instead of having half of the 
newly organized Territory, Nebraska is given the most of it, 
and her northern boundary kept somewhat below that of Mis- 
souri, in order to be within the Missouri influence, and to pre- 
vent contact with the free State of Iowa. A further precaution 
in favor of slavery is to leave out a strip of half a degree in 
width on the south, so that if by chance Kansas should become 
free, this might still stand a chance for slavery. 






APPENDIX. 403 

How he liated and despised Kansas for her efforts at freedom, 
and how under the cry, " We will subdue you," he opposed her, 
we have before mentioned, and is too nauseous a subject to bear 
more than an allusion to here. 

And now comes on the stage the Native American party — 
then called Know-Nothings, and for stupidity of purpose a very 
appropriate name — which party suddenly overwhelmed many 
parts of the country, and carried into Congress so many members 
that it held there a balance of power, and for a long time pre- 
vented the election of a Speaker of the House. 

It is easily seen that this party is of necessity pro-slavery ; its 
candidate is avowedly so, and as it opposes the emigration and 
settlement here of persons of foreign birth, it would thus, as far 
as possible, check the flood of free laborers to the West, and keep 
it and all our unoccupied territory in a condition for easier com- 
petition on the part of the pro-slavery powers. It is indeed this 
very element of free labor, and elevated laborers, that is to give 
the final blow to slavery everywhere, and nothing therefore is 
more natural to the pro-slavery man than to resort to his usual 
artifice, coeval with weakness and wickedness, to arouse a prej- 
udice against our foreign population, in order to prevent their 
accession to this element. Under the subtle and specious dis- 
guise of devotion to Americans, enough of northern Republicans 
were hoodwinked to keep Mr. Banks for a long time out of the 
Speaker's chair, and finally to defeat Mr. Fremont for the Pres- 
idency. True to their instincts and the purpose of their mis- 
sion, the Douglas Democrats, who" have played no other part 
than to subserve Southern interests, and invent and palm off 
ingenious but poor excuses to the North, find Mr. Aiken's Native 
Americanism so congenial to their purposes, that he gets their 
whole vote, and comes within one of as many votes as Mr. Banks 
for the Speakership. 

So indignant is Mr. Douglas that some members of the 
American party from the North voted for Mr. Banks, that while 
he denounces the Northern portion of it, he assures us at the 
same time, as Mr. Crittenden and others, that his terms do not 
apply to the Americans South. Americanism North was offensive, 
but modified at the South with pro-slavery sentiments, it is so 
acceptable that his party from the North can come in a body to 



404 APPENDIX. 

the support for Speakership of the American member from South 
Carolina. 

The same thing was continually repeated last winter in the 
contest for Speakership, in which the Douglas party supported 
American members from the South, in order to defeat Sherman 
and Pennington. A. R. Boteler, of Va., W. N. H. Smith and 
J. A. Gilmer, of N. C, H. Maynard, of Tenn., and others were 
so supported. Mr. Douglas struggles hard to conciliate Northern 
men, under the idea that he does not make the extension of 
slavery and its protection in the territories a political creed, and 
is, in this respect, separated from, and an object of persecution 
by, his political associates South, who have Mr. Breckenridge 
as an opposing candidate for the Presidency. 

Following him in his subtle windings, we find him still unde- 
viating from his first love, and desperate as ever in his plottings 
to secure the ascendency of the pro-slavery party at every sacri- 
fice of self and self-interest. For, as matters now stand, Mr. 
Breckenridge, with his pro slavery platform, must get all or 
nearly all of the Southern States, but none of the Northern 
ones, and between him and Mr. Lincoln the latter must be elect- 
ed. But Mr. Douglas must now step in with a view to get a 
few Northern States, so as to defeat Lincoln's election by the 
people, and thus throw the election into the House of Repre- 
sentatives where, with a little manipulation of the American 
States of Maryland, Tennessee, and North Carolina, Mr. Breck- 
enridge can be elected, as all the other slave States are in his 
favor, and California and Oregon, with their present delegation, 
may be relied upon for him. 

If Mr. Breckenridge is not elected by the House, no one will 
be, and Joe Lane, who will be made Vice-President by the 
Senate, will then become President, and it is known that, being 
a Northern doughface, his pro-slaveryism commends him equally 
with Mr. Breckenridge to Mr. Douglas. 

Everybody must see that the only effect, therefore, of Mr. 
Douglas running, must be to divert votes from Lincoln, so as to 
effect the election of Breckenridge by the House, or of Lane by 
the Senate, to the Presidency. 

And were he in earnest in his pretended opposition to them, 
his natural course would be, as he knows he cannot be elected 



APPENDIX. 405 

himself, to withdraw from the contest and allow them to be 
defeated by Lincoln, when seeing the miscarriage of the pro- 
slavery creed, the Breckenridge party might learn, through 
adversity, to conform to his, Douglas', pretended standard, and 
support it as the only alternative of success in another contest. 
Such would be our advice to Mr. Douglas were we his friend, 
and wished to save him from utter and irretrievable mortification 
and disgrace. 

But it is evident any calamity to himself is of less importance 
than to the idol of his affections — the pro-slavery cause; and sink 
deep as he must, he will never despair of raising thereby Breck- 
enridge or Lane to the Presidency. This he expected to do of 
his own strength, but finding it unlikely that he would carry a 
State, by which to defeat Lincoln, now he turns to his natural 
allies in the pro-slavery work — the American party — for help. 
Hence the Union of the Douglas and American parties in the 
State of New York, to carry that State against Lincoln, and, as 
we have shown, with no other view than to raise Breckenridge 
or Lane to the Presidency — an object evidently desirable to both 
these parties. Thus, affecting love for the foreigner, and a desire 
to extend his rights to the new territories, Mr. Douglas would 
marshal the Irish and German hosts to his standard merely to 
march them over to subserve their natural and avowed enemies, 
the pro-slavery and Native American party. We have heard the 
Irish accused of being led by their passions, and blinded easily 
by priests and demagogues, so as to be brought to kiss the rod 
uplifted for their affliction, and thus defeat measures otherwise 
effective for their amelioration. Will you justify this charge 
and now plunge with Douglas into the pool of self-generated 
slime in which he delights to wallow, and imbreeding there the 
infection of the Douglas- Bell democracy, bear with you, ever 
after, that brand of self-pollution, which shall render you not only 
unworthy of sympathy, but objects of abhorrence to those who 
now seek your own and our national elevation ? Or will you 
unite with us as co-laborers to strengthen those hands, which, 
we are confident, are soon to become invested with this office of 
our national elevation and redemption from its present humilia- 
tion and disgrace before the enlightened world ? 

To the Americans of the Hunt, Brooks & Co. school we 



406 APPENDIX. 

make no appeal ; such we know to be constitutional aristocrats. 
Envenomed at the loss of power their own Whig party had for 
sustaining an oligarchy, they actually see, in the aristocracy 
founded on property in " niggers," a still lingering ray of hope 
for their futile schemes, to which they will cling with all the 
malignity and heartless infatuation of their natures. But those 
who four years ago believed Americanism meant something else 
than slavery, we invite to the ways of pleasantness and paths of 
peace, along which, with the cause of humanity, we intend to 
bear Abraham Lincoln amid the chorus of our emancipated 
nation. 
September 11, 1860. 



FITNESS FOR THE PRESIDENCY. 

"Is he capable, is he faithful, is he true to the Constitution ?" 
were the tests for office laid down by the great apostle of lib- 
eral statesmanship — Thomas Jeiferson. 

We propose to apply these tests to the candidates for the 
Presidency now before the people. 

To possess intelligence, so as to discriminate between right 
and wrong, and integrity to embrace and adhere to what is 
right, should seem to include all the considerations necessary to 
qualify a person for any trust or responsibility ; but in view of 
constitutional obligations this is not enough, and requires the 
third test of being true to the Constitution. This requirement 
laid down by Jefferson was found to be not gratuitous by his 
own political experience. He and the elder Adams were respect- 
ively at the head of opposing parties, and while he did not ap- 
prove the policy of his opponent, which had an illiberal and an 
aristocratic tendency, violative of the spirit, if not the letter, of 
our Constitution, he did not impute to him a want of either in- 
telligence or integrity, for it was possible with Adams, as with 
many minds, both then and now, of the highest order and 
greatest purity, to regard certain measures of aristocracy, or 
inequality, necessary to the safety of a State ; — a privileged 
party identified with the safety of a State, and dependent upon 
its prosperity, who are set to watch over and control those 
whose labor and industry constitute this prosperity, but whose 



APPENDIX. 407 

virtues are assumed to be so low as to unfit them for self-con- 
trol, and render them mischievous without the restraints im- 
posed by an upper class. This is the present position of many 
earnest, and we doubt not honest advocates of slavery ; and we 
are aware how hard our opponents now and in times past have 
striven to establish this principle in our free States. 

Mr. Jefferson assumed the opposite of this as his own political 
creed, and as the true spirit of our Constitution ; and the happy 
effects of his glorious triumph may be taken as the index to the 
results we confidently anticipate as the issue to the struggle now 
impending. 

In considering Mr. Breckenridge upon the Jeffersonian stand- 
ard, we find essentially necessary the third point : " Is he true 
to the Constitution ? " 

We do not need to examine the two first points to find 
exceptions ; he may be capable, he may be faithful ; or, in other 
words, he may be intelligent and honest, but we thoroughly 
scorn and revolt at his assumption that our Constitution carries 
slavery into the territories, and requires Congressional protection 
there. In this he is not true to the Constitution. 

Mr. Bell, as a pro-slavery man, is in the same attitude, and 
technically liable to the same objections. To this he adds the 
policy of oppposing the migration and settlement of foreigners 
in our country, so as to prevent, as far as possible, the rapid set- 
tlement of the territories by free laborers. 

Our Declaration of Independence denounces King George III. 
for that " He has endeavored tojDrevent the population of these 
States ; for that purpose obstructing the laws of naturalization 
of foreigners," which is precisely the attitude of Mr. Bell 
toward our territories. When we are ready to renounce the 
principles of the Declaration of Independence, give up this glo- 
rious charter of freedom, and return to the rule of some George 
III. of England, then, and then only, will we greet Mr. Bell, his 
associates, and New York confederates as true, not to our Con- 
stitution, but to some obsolete British Constitution, congenial to 
Native Americanism. Mr. Bell won a good name, and deserved 
thanks for his manly course in opposing the Missouri Compro- 
mise Repeal, and the Lecompton Constitution, and we regret he 
is, by his present course, likely 1 o forfeit the esteem in which he 



408 APPENDIX. 

has been held by the public — evincing, indeed, questionable 
integrity in joining the Douglas party, which affects to despise 
the American party. But, as mentioned before by us, this is 
but a trick by which to get the foreign vote, through Douglas, 
to subserve the Southern interest. 

To Mr. Douglas our test is so obviously inapplicable, that 
we turn with loathing and disgust from the attempt. When 
language has the use Richelieu ascribed to it, of being the 
means of disguising our thoughts, then will the terms capable, 
faithful, and true to the Constitution have their ironical appli- 
cation to Mr. Douglas. 

Degrade him from the chairmanship of the Senate Committee 
on Territories, give him a spurious nomination for the Presi- 
dency and a sham support — anything his Southern masters may 
require, and he is happy, so long as thereby he can serve them ; 
no position too false, no humiliation too deep for this labor of 
love : 

" Look down— your head begins to swim, 
Still deeper yet — that pleases him, 
If he can yet shout ' nigger. ' ' ' 

It only remains to consider our test in reference to Mr. Lin- 
coln. That he has capacity is seen in the fact, that from an 
humble, if not obscure position, he has risen to the auspicious 
attitude he now holds, having in the course of this advancement 
been placed in many important positions of trust and responsi- 
bility, and, as we said some time since, the capacity and fidelity 
evinced on these occasions secured to lum so much confidence 
and affection, that his friends persisted tenaciously and success- 
fully in his nomination for the Presidency. 

In the canvass of Illinois for the Senatorship, he offered to dis- 
cuss the issues between himself and Mr. Douglas before the peo- 
ple, to which Mr. Douglas, relying upon his usual arrogance and 
impudence, rather than upon force of argument, assented, and 
they commenced the work of stumping the State together, b ut 
had not gone far when Mr. Lincoln's conservatism and candor 
confounded the false accusations made by Douglas of sectional- 
ism, and won him great popularity with the people. Thereafter 
Mr. Douglas refused to meet him in discussion. Upon this dis- 
cussion, Mr. Benjamin — pro-slavery, from Louisiana- remarked, 



APPENDIX. 409 

that it evinced sentiments which commended Mr. Lincoln to him 
over Douglas. The objection raised to Mr. Lincoln and his par- 
ty is, that they are sectional ; and Mr. Douglas, Mr. Fillmore, and 
others at the North, clamor that he is not conciliatory enough 
toward slaveholders. Yet both these horror-struck alarmists, 
before becoming demoralized by a morbid malice and a mania 
for office, were as much sectional as he ; both then supported 
the Wilmot Proviso, and said hard things against slavery. Mr. 
Fillmore, now a pro-slavery Bell man, in 1838 said he opposed 
the admission of Texas as a slave State, the slave-trade between 
the States, and was in favor of abolishing slavery in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia. Mr. Lincoln's crime is, that he will not stul- 
tify his integrity to play the demagogue. lie at this time 
opposed the passage, by the Illinois Legislature, of certain aboli- 
tion resolutions, and entered his protest upon the journal, " that 
the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends rather to increase 
than abate its (slavery's) evils ; " that Congress has no power 
over slavery in the States ; that though Congress had power over 
the matter in the District of Columbia, " that power ought not 
to be exercised unless at the request of the people of said Dis- 
trict." It is this obvious integrity and sense of justice that com- 
mends Mr. Lincoln to his friends and conciliates his enemies. 
He is capable, he is faithful, and these views show that he is not 
amenable to the constitutional objections raised against Mm. 

In being opposed to the extension of slavery to the new terri- 
tories, he is in entire concurrence with the sentiment of the fram- 
crs of the Constitution, who sought to free the Government from 
all complicity with slavery or any religious creed. They did so, 
and Mr. Lincoln, in following them, is true to the Constitution. 

To a private life of purity, he adds a public character of un- 
spotted integrity and of consistency, and possessing highly prac- 
tical abilities, we have in Abraham Lincoln a man of associa- 
tions, character, and habits, eminently fitted for the Presidency. 
For purposes of State policy our National Executive is invested 
with great power, both of direct authority and indirectly 
through his patronage. This has been totally prostituted to the 
slave interest, with all the moral influence, happily now small, 
that could be forced into tliis service. 

"The oppressor's wrong, the proud man's contumely, the 
LS 



410 APPENDIX. 

pangs of despised love, the law's delay (and perversion), the in- 
solence of office, and the spurns that patient merit of the unwor- 
thy takes," have all had their office in this pro-slavery work, 
till the corruptions of power on the one hand, and the debase- 
ment of servile men on the other, call aloud in agonizing tones, 
from rock, tree, hill, vale, and plain, and in impetuous echoes 
resound through the skies, with the demand for a reform, con- 
spicuous of which the time and man are at hand. 
September 22. 1860. 

THE SECRET OF IT. 

The causes of our national revolution, which separated us 
from the British Government, and which was formally initiated 
in our Declaration of Independence, in which these causes are so 
pathetically and eloquently recited, were understood to consist 
in grievances too intolerable to be borne by men unwilling to be 
slaves ; and to meet these grievances our forefathers of that day, 
under a sense of their own wrongs, rose to a height of moral 
grandeur, seemingly above men, and with lips of fire boldly pro- 
claimed the inalienable rights of man, for which, with hearts of 
steel, they strove in the ensuing desperate, protracted, but tri- 
umphant struggle. 

The lofty sentiments with which they were inspired, the hero- 
ism with which they were sustained, the sacrifices and pains they 
endured, and the glorious objects they accomplished, in effect- 
ing our independence, and the establishment of our Govern- 
ment, have all been exhaustless themes of our gratitude for the 
inestimable favors thus secured to us. 

With such sacred appreciation have these favors been regard- 
ed, that the ark of the covenant — our system of Government — 
by which they have been transmitted to us has, till lately, been 
regarded as the summum bonum of our race, the lightest disaffec- 
tion for which, or indifference, aroused our deepest abhorrence 
and scorn for the calloused susceptibilities that could find out- 
side of it a compensating good, adequate to the sufferings its loss 
or serious injury must impose. 

In contrast to this, we now find disunion of our Government, 
and disaffection for its priceless liberties, announced with pomp- 
ous arrogance, as popular sentiments, and as the alternative of 



APPENDIX. 411 

not having the national Government administered to the ad- 
vancement of the institution of slavery. 

To an observer of current events, the secret is not that slave- 
owners want more slaves or slave States as a means of 
making more secure and profitable this species of property ; for, 
upon examination, there is not a feature wanting on this head, 
which could be supplied by such means. The institution car- 
ries in itself the elements of deterioration and weakness to those 
who tolerate it, and has been at all times so characterized, and 
most pathetically so, by enlightened statesmen who are familiar 
with it. These, the graphic and prophetic effects of it, depict- 
ed by the immortal Jefferson, should alone prove the word suf- 
ficient to wise men who would take heed how they hear. But 
it is the infatuation of the times, and the unscrupulous selfish- 
ness of demagogues, that words of wisdom and suggestions of 
prudence — the fruits of bitter experience — are scouted as the 
mantling mist of stagnant fogyism, till misapprehension, per- 
version, and folly have brought us to the present state of absurd 
wrangling rather than dangerous antagonism. 

This state of deterioration and weakness, which is the inev- 
itable concomitant of slavery, has naturally enough awakened 
alarm with those who tolerate it, for their own safety, and for 
that of the institution itself. The slave insurrection of 1832 
showed their apprehensions well grounded, and the generous 
guarantees of sujDport, both from the Government, through the 
army and navy, and that volunteered from the North, gave 
every needed assurance of sympathy for the South, and earnest 
devotion to our institutions. Happy if the South had seen and 
met these things in their true spirit ! But now start up uneasy 
politicians, who, Calhoun and Douglas-like, traffic on the gulli- 
bility of the people, and assume supernatural powers to foresee 
direful visions, portending disaster to their darling pet of 
slavery, to which they affect such a devotion, overriding all 
other considerations, as to evince the sure qualifications for 
office. 

This scheme succeeded so well that no man could get to 
Congress, or any other office, at the South, upon any other basis, 
and at once the hue and cry of " niggerism " is started, as the 
effective evidence of fealty to a deluded constituency. 



4 1 2 APPENDIX. 

Upon this ground Southern men were insisted upon for the 
Presidency, as security on the one hand against unfavorable 
executive action toward slavery, and, on the other, against 
executive patronage adverse to its interests. So uniform was 
Southern sentiment in these respects as to form, in the main, but 
one party, and, therefore, between the nearly equally divided 
Whig and Democratic parties North, that one was sure of polit- 
ical ascendency which should be found congenial to Southern 
sentiment. It is easily seen that in an earnest struggle a party 
had great inducements, therefore, to court this party of unani- 
mous Southern sentiment ; and in this effort both parties strove 
hard, but the Democratic party succeeded by trimming party 
sails, and decking party leaders, to suit their fastidious South- 
ern allies. So patent was this scheme of success to party 
leaders, that they of the North had only to sacrifice much of 
their party interests and principles, that by so doing they pan- 
dered to Southern demands so as to secure an undivided sup- 
port from that quarter. 

Ever since this policy was initiated by Calhoun, in behalf of 
the South, tricky political hucksters North have been playing at 
this game — Mr. Van Buren proclaiming himself a Northern man 
with Southern principles, so necessary were his Southern pro- 
clivities to attainment of office. 

And when, at times, Northern men become aroused to 
this imposition, and evince a disposition to revolt at it, the 
sacred ties and devotion to the Union, to which we alluded 
above, have no binding force for the South ; but our Northern 
ears are dinned by our political scavengers and patent right 
Union saviors, with the dangers of disunion, and rhapsodies 
upon the value of the Union, its cost, and the consequences of 
its loss, till satisfied it can only be saved and our political dis- 
orders cured by their superior elixir pharmacy. In this way, 
for some time past, small men and j)olitical adventurers have 
gained position only to disgrace it, and render its patronage and 
power subservient to the wishes of Southern men, who, taking 
advantage of our susceptible devotion to the Union, have only 
to threaten us with disunion to raise an army of ready-apology 
office-seekers, to sway us with their sophistries to the necessity 
of yielding. The Douglas and Bell men North, under their re- 



APPENDIX. 413 

spective leaders, Douglas and Fillmore, are now in this condition, 
whining vagaries and unmeaning misgivings about the sectional- 
ism of the Lincoln men, in order to coerce them into the support 
of measures revolting to them. Mr. Douglas affects a show of 
independence, and thereby has subjected himself to the charge 
of sectionalism by his late Lecompton opposition, but this was 
a necessity to save some little force North, without which a 
united South could not save him. 

The secret, therefore, of the matter is that, upon a clamor for 
disunion on the part of the South, Northern men and Northern 
parties, for sake of office and place, pander to this clamor, to 
the monopoly, by the South, of the patronage of the Govern- 
ment, and the swaying of executive power in its behalf; and 
the eternal cry of " nigger " is but the hollow pretense for this 
clamor. 

How well they have succeeded we have lately mentioned in 
part, and it is evident by the unblushing effrontery with which 
this trick is now pursued, but with an unscrupulous selfishness 
sure to defeat its own ends ; and thus, aside from the auspices 
of the occasion, we have a prophetic indication of the return, 
at last, to the true policy of our Government. 

September 29, 1S60. 



OUR GRIEVANCES. 

The present prospect of the election to the Presidency of 
Aljraham Lincoln again raises the cry of 1856 from the South 
against the election of a Republican President, that such an 
event will justify the Southern or slave States in separating 
from the Northern or free States, and that, as a duty to their 
own rights and self-respect, they are determined to do it. In 
other words, the proposition literally stands : If the North, 
goaded by the arrogance of the South, backed by the subserv- 
iency of the Government power to its purposes, dares to assert 
its constitutional right of voting for and electing a Republican 
President, this shall constitute a grievance too intolerable to be 
borne, and disunion must follow. A fawning Pierce, sunk in 
truculency, figuratively emasculates his person of manhood and 
his office of virtue ; a blear-eyed old hypocrite, now occupying 



414 APPENDIX. 

the White House, whose visual obliquity corresponds to that of 
his moral sentiments, falsifies his oath of office, his promises and 
obligations, in order to comply with the demands of the pro- 
slavery power, to which the North is required to submit, and 
tremblingly refrain from daring once to express opposition, on 
pain of disunion, with all the rage, revenge, hate, blood, 
thunder, dust, sword, and destruction, to say nothing of smoke 
and gas, which shall overwhelm us as by magic from the wrath 
of the South. 

What grievances cause all this uproar, and what their reme" 
dies, we earnestly inquire. Complaint is made that the people 
of the North will not give up slaves who escaj^e from slavery 
and take refuge among them. Will disunion remedy this? 
Will a Southern Confederacy have less dissatisfied slaves, or 
more power to silence these longings for freedom, and keep out 
those who excite this longing ? The Southern States possess 
all power now over these matters. But says the South: "You are 
under constitutional obligations to give up fugitive slaves, and 
as you will not do it, we will save our self-respect and dignity 
by refusing a voluntary union with such faithless associates." 
Suppose this true, and a just cause for disunion, the question 
arises, Why is the election of Lincoln to determine this period 
for the vindication of a right long since due the South ? For it 
is not easy to see how a few more votes, by which Lincoln may 
be elected, are to change Northern sentiment on this question — 
nor indeed are more votes wanted, comparatively — for without 
the frauds in Illinois and Pennsylvania, at the last Presidential 
election, Fremont would have been elected. But according to 
admissions, this ground for disunion now exists, and has for a 
long time existed, and therefore the election of Lincoln can in 
no way aggravate this provocation. 

On this ground, disunion should have been under way before 
this time. Thus far our argument admits there are grounds of 
complaint upon this head ; but this we deny. In the earlier 
history of our Government, some rare instances of opposition to 
the recapture of fugitive slaves occurred, but no resistance. Not 
till after 1832, which dates the momentous era of slavery excite- 
ment, did resistance arise ; and an examination into the facts of 
the case will show about as many beams in the eyes of our 



APPENDIX. 415 

Southern brethren as there are motes of which they complain 
in those of our Northern people. 

This was the notorious period of those slave insurrections of the 
secession nullification schemes of Calhoun, and his dogma of 
equal political power between the slave and non-slaveholding 
States. At this time several innocent persons from the North 
were seized and executed by mobs, for supposed abolition senti- 
ments, and colored citizens of Northern States were, upon arriv- 
ing at the South, seized and imprisoned. 

Judge Hoar was sent to South Carolina to prosecute there, 
before the United States Courts, the rights of the citizens of 
Massachusetts, but was forced to leave the State. No Govern- 
ment power here interposed to enforce constitutional rights. 
Here is a direct and open violation of the constitutional provi- 
sion that " the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the 
privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States," and 
the courts, provided to enforce constitutional rights, are forci- 
bly deterred from this discharge of their duties. Such discour- 
tesies and want of faith, under the national compact, aroused 
more or less indignation at the North, and thereupon uprose 
the abolition organizations, which before had no existence, and 
which, upon aggravations of the occasion, assumed a strength 
of number and violence of temper which required the stern 
efforts of conservative men to successfully oppose. Now, for a 
series of years, were occasional acts of resistance to the execution 
of the Fugitive Slave Law, and though no more than due, by 
way of retaliation, upon the South for a want of fulfillment of 
constitutional obligations to the rights of Northern citizens, it 
was not countenanced by any effective or uniform sentiment at 
the North ; and when complaint was made by the South, our 
Congressmen admitted grounds for it, and announced readiness 
to adopt the needful remedies, and at once allowed the South- 
ern members to form the present Fugitive Slave Bill of 1850 in 
the most severe terms, justifying objections made to it, that it 
gave means to kidnap, and, through fraud and violence, force 
off into slavery free colored persons of the North. This has 
been done, and, notwithstanding this revolting feature, the 
North acquiesced in this and other measures of 1850, as a final 
settlement of the slavery question, and the attempts afterward 



416 APPENDIX. 

to capture fugitive slaves were eminently successful. The elec- 
tion of Franklin Pierce followed in 1852, upon the basis of a 
firm adherence to the compromises of 1850, and never, since the 
origin of the party, were abolitionists so weak and unpopular. 
It was a matter of notoriety that their conventions, in the spring 
of Mr. Pierce's inauguration, had little attendance and no enthu- 
siasm, and the party was dying out for want of countenance. In 
this state of quietude, returning confidence, and fraternal feeling, 
is sprung upon us that infamous breach of good faith and act of 
national demoralization, for which its ill-advised and unscrupu- 
lous author, now seeking support for the Presidency, deserves 
the unalterable execration of his race. The wanton repeal of 
the Missouri Compromise unavoidably aroused rage, indigna- 
tion, and distrust, which were soon manifest at the North by an 
indifference to adhere longer to any obligations on the slavery 
question toward those who utterly disregarded theirs ; and if, for 
some time, fugitive slaves could not be recaptured, the South 
has only itself to blame for having unnecessarily aggravated this 
state of things. 

The Missouri Compromise averted disunion, and, averting or 
abrogating it, restored disunion or the right of it in the opin- 
ion of many at the North. It was this revolutionary spirit that 
caused so much resistance to the recapture of Burns, in 
Boston, and, upon the ground of revolution, as justifiable, for 
we recognize tli3 right of revolution, but not otherwise ; 
for, if we are to form a part of the Union, deriving 
our advantages from its existence, name, and power, we 
must fulfill our obligations to it, and therefore, as the North 
was not disposed to dissolve the Union on account of the repeal 
of the Missouri Compromise, it had no right to withhold its 
duties under constitutional guarantees — a political apothegm 
we commend to the South at this time. Let us now view this 
question in connection with its effects upon slavery. 

Slaves have, for a long time, been rising in value, and this, too, 
during the cry of a want of security, from Northern disregard 
of obligations, which would secure it. Property so insecure, as 
these alarmists would have us believe, would hardly rise thus in 
value. Moreover it is the far Southern States, where slaves are 
most secure, and where there can be no complaint about the 



APPENDIX. 417 

execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, that clamor most about 
disunion, and not the border slave States, where, if anywhere, 
slaves escape to the free States. Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, 
and Missouri are not disunion States, nor do all the boasts of fiery 
fulsome fanatics hold out inducements to them to become so. 
All this hobby about the security of the " nigger" is, therefore, 
but a pretext, while the possession of Government ofhces, and 
the control of Government power in behalf of the slave interest, 
are, as we have before stated, the real motives to these pre- 
tended grievances. 

October 13, 1860. 

DISUNION. 

Under the heading of " Our Grievances," we considered the 
main grievance complained of by the South, as the cause of dis- 
union, and in considering further grievances we adopt for our 
present heading the consequence threatened, as the main object 
of our attentions. 

Our last article showed the aversion, on the part of the people 
of the North, to the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, to have 
been provoked by the aggravations of the South, in doing vio- 
lence to innocent persons from the North, and, under an affecta- 
tion of fear for the security of slaves, imprisoning, forcing off 
with many indignities, and executing with mob-violence her 
citizens, refusing to allow the United States Courts to discharge 
their constitutional duties, and culminating in falseness to her 
plighted faith by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. Pur- 
suing thus the suicidal course of provoking enemies toward an 
institution that needs, for its peq^etuity, no little zeal exerted to 
conciliate friends for it. If our Northern people are implicated 
in any interference with' slavery in the South, we raise no objec- 
tion to the severe measures of repression the Southern people 
may adopt, and this has recently been evinced by the uniform 
acquiescence, at the North, in the treatment adopted toward 
John Brown and his party in their Harper's Ferry invasion. 
False and silly is the hue and cry against the whole North for 
this, as was also the assumption of Virginia's pompous Governor 
that he possessed facts showing complicity therein of the lead- 
ing men of the North. 
18* 



418 APPENDIX. 

Upon the rights of Congress to exclude slavery from the Ter- 
ritories, we, of the Republican party, are on the strong ground 
that Congress has repeatedly asserted and exercised this right ; 
and that, even putting this exercise in abeyance, as in the Kan- 
sas-Nebraska Bill, to which the South was committed in the 
repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and allowing the people of 
the Territories to express their unbiased will, without fraud or 
violence, we shall obtain practically our wishes, for, in our 
enlightened age, the institution of slavery will not be adopted 
as a matter of choice. But now, under Southern demands, we 
must overturn our time -honored policy, to interpose by Congress 
and establish slavery against the will of the people in the Terri- 
tories, upon the alternative of a separation, which, with charac- 
teristic blindness, must leave the Southern Confederacy without 
an inch of territory to extend slavery over. 

The tariff can no longer be a Southern hobby. The policy 
of free trade, so far as consistent with tariff for such revenues as 
are needed to meet the expenses of the Government, is our pres- 
ent practice substantially, and undoubtedly our true policy. 

These bugaboo screechers, about the calamity to the country 
of a Republican President, would have us believe that our Pres- 
ident is invested with such absolute authority that he can arbi- 
trarily exercise it at the behests of party, and impose such intol- 
erable oppressions that armed resistance is the only alternative 
of ignoble submission. Surely, if this is our state, we gained 
little by our revolution and separation from England, and our 
forefathers made a sad botch of our Constitution in not provid- 
ing against these evils. But this is not so; our forefathers 
adopted every precaution that the terms of language admit, and 
it is our painful reflection these terms, both in letter and in spirit, 
have had their only violation in behalf of the pro-slavery 
interest. 

Some grounds of alarm might justly exist if a Republican 
President should usurp the unauthorized powers against slavery 
that have been assumed by the present and preceding adminis- 
tration in its favor, and against which, and further subserviency 
to the South by our sycophantic Presidents, we are told the 
North has no right of complaint. 

The great and growing power of executive patronage, already 



APPENDIX. 419 

beyond the anticipations of the founders of our Government, 
and capable of sustaining a corrupt party policy, to some extent, 
against the wishes of the people, is a subject worthy of serious 
attention with a view to measures of restriction. It is, indeed, 
against these gross, base assumptions and abuses of executive 
power that the Republican party has arisen, and however pro- 
voked to retaliation we pledge our party to constitutional and 
legal measures. And these measures, let us notify our Southern 
brethren,not by way of threat but of warning, we intend to enforce. 
As our brave Ohio Senator (Mr. Wade) said : " We submitted to 
the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and remained in the Union 
in disgrace, not because we were weak and needed it for sup- 
port, but because we were strong, and could bear the indignity, 
under the consciousness of strength available, in due time, to re- 
dress our wrongs and restrain refractory members from fanatical 
suicide." We endured the Union under oppression, because of 
our constitutional right of peaceful redress, and in doing so car- 
ry with us the power to find it, in which we illustrate a princi- 
ple which it will be our duty to enforce, that in going into an 
election of Government officers, which to our Government is the 
peaceful way of correcting abuses, we commit ourselves to the 
moral obligation to abide the result, and we have no disposition 
to commit nor to tolerate a falseness and treachery that will 
not. 

From our Northern doughfaces, who tell us the South must 
have its way or the Union is not safe, we turn with loathing, 
and leave them to the ignominious oblivion to which their 
pusillanimity reduced them. As well say to the highwayman, 
" We pay you tribute and will shield you from punishment if 
we may pass on in peace ; " or to the ruffian who despoils our 
homes of peace and virtue : " We yield because we want no diffi- 
culty with you." To such we say, we desire not your assistance, 
we fear not your opposition, but we sicken with ineffable shame 
and disgust that American mothers ever nourished such un- 
worthy sons. 

Our conclusion is that the North shall fulfill its obligations 
on the one hand, and refuse a slavish submission to extravagant 
demands on the other, and that in this the South and the whole 
country have respectively the only grounds for safety and pros- 



420 APPENDIX. 

perity. The recent State elections give us the glorious promise 
that Mr. Lincoln will be our next President, and we pledge him 
to fulfill his constitutional obligations, but to withhold the 
executive powers from longer pandering to morbid appetites 
and disastrous measures. 

October £0, 18C0. 

OUR POLITICAL SUMMARY. 

It is a consideration of great consolation, and one that, as 
man improves in his understanding, gives hope of an ultimately 
high destiny for him, that in all matters of faith and purpose, 
whether initiated by political or religious associations, there is 
an assumed ntegrity of motive, and a decent respect is paid to 
virtue by affecting a conformity to her dictates. Even in the 
outrageous measures of the pro- slavery party in our country, 
operating, through their servile tools of the present and past 
administrations of the General Government, to overturn the dic- 
tates of common-sense and the experience of past ages, there 
has been the assumption, however bold and startling, that 
slavery was the natural and healthful state of society, contribut- 
ing to its refinement and elevation so much that we must ac- 
cept it as a social and political blessing. Upon this basis, when 
mankind shall no longer be subject to misrepresentation, and 
diverted with specious delusions and plausible sophistries, he 
will set out upon the pathway of his highest prosperity and 
happiness. The progress of the present campaign for the Presi- 
dency gives a hopeful indication of an earnest search for this 
pathway, or one, at least, that may save him from the serious 
blunders committed in following the blind leaders of the De- 
mocracy. It is our purpose to point out this path, and encour- 
age our fellow- men to pursue it, and we here recur to the con- 
siderations that govern us, to the end that we may confirm in it 
those of the true faith, and point out the dangers of our hereti- 
cal opponents who depart from it. 

Without alluding to the festering corruptions engendered by 
slavery in a community which tolerates it, we have opposed its 
extension into our Territories because of its injurious effects upon 
the free laborer, and consequent diminution of the productions 
of labor. An appeal is made to prejudice against color, and to 






APPENDIX. 421 

the offensive attitude of the abolitionists to charge us with 
being negro-worshipers, Black Republicans, abolitionists, &c. 
But with a consistency characteristic of the emanations of 
malice, we are told that the slaveholders are the true iriends of 
the negro, and by their system they are elevating the black race. 
The Kamschatkan would tell us to give up our work-oxen and 
use dogs in their place, and thus improve the race of dogs ; a 
morbid snake-tamer would have us adopt snakes and lizards for 
domestic pets, because we thus improve their breed. To this 
we answer, we are not concerned with improving the black race, 
nor the breed of dogs and reptiles, any further than such im- 
provement may contribute to the welfare and advancement of 
our own race ; our cause is the white man, and not the negro 
nor the lower animals. We are told that the welfare of the 
whites at the South is advanced by slave labor and their wealth 
of late increased. We admit that the South has shared the 
great prosperity of our country for years past, but not a propor- 
tional prosperity to that at the North. They snarl, " Let us 
alone ; that is our concern, not yours, and we will acquiesce in 
all the evils that slavery may entail upon us." Very well, we 
say, let us alone too. You may nurse a viper and get stung by 
it, but we protest that you shall not obtrude your viper upon us, 
against our will, nor require us to sustain you with the substance 
it is devouring from you. This you have been doing through 
the machinery of government, but we propose to modify the 
workings of this machine. But, says the South, if you won't 
let the operations of the machine inure to our benefit exclusively, 
we will stop it, and turn upon you the innumerable and never- 
ending plagues of our offended wrath. We answer, it is our 
purpose to operate the machine according to its original con- 
struction, putting in full play all its component parts and check- 
ing any eccentricities that might interrupt the harmony and 
success of its movements. This mission we commit to the 
Republican party, and, awaiting their execution of this trust, 
we set ourselves at rest upon the final issue. 

October 27 ,1860. 



422 APPENDIX. 

A WORD TO THE BRETHREN. 

To those who, prompted by an integrity of purpose, possess 
the intelligence to determine and resolution to pursue the prop- 
er objects in our national well-being, we would address a few 
words in confidence upon impending events. Inspired vnth a 
confidence in the ultimate prevalence of almighty truth, party 
ties, personal affections, and promises of reward have not re- 
strained the manifestations of your noble impulses, nor have fruit- 
less labors disappointment, and defeat dismayed and subdued 
you. 

In the enjoyment of a conscious rectitude, you have a higher 
reward than any wages of compliance with the demands of the 
pro-slavery Democracy can afford. Under these sentiments you 
unavoidably sprang into existence as a party, upon the iniqui- 
tous repeal of the Missouri Compromise and the unscrupulous 
measures of the Pierce administration to establish slavery in 
Kansas. So strong were your numbers there was no doubt that 
the popular voice of all or nearly all the Northern States was on 
your side, and but for the villainous frauds of your opponents in 
Illinois, Indiana, and Pennsylvania, your Presidential candidate 
(Mr. Fremont) would have been declared (as in fact he was) 
duly elected. 

In the meantime, under the Buchanan dynasty, you have met 
a more dogged and shameless opposition than that of the Pierce 
administration ; and though the name of James Buchanan is 
justly held in universal contempt, it is difficult to see that it has 
become so other than in his persistent subserviency to the pro- 
slavery cause. 

In the meantime, your policy, both local, in Kansas, and 
national, in Congress, has substantially triumphed. You have rid 
yourselves of border-ruffian rule, and established the freedom 
of Kansas and this great commonwealth of Republicanism. 
Challenged to this field, you have struggled against the minions 
of slave oligarchy and the Executive power, and, spite of priva- 
tions and sacrifices, have won a victory, which, in its consequences, 
may bear comparison with the most signal triumphs in behalf 
of humanity, and should enroll you upon the roll of fame as the 
greatest benefactors of your race and nation, and transmit to an 
admiring and grateful posterity, the record of your heroic virtues. 



APPENDIX. 423 

Alike creditably to Governor Seward and just to you, did he, 
in his Lawrence speech, bow before you in reverential acknowl- 
edgment of greater services done by you to the cause he had so 
much at heart than by any other people. In vain are govern- 
ors, judges, and other Federal appointments made to oppose 
you. However prompted by hate of you and subserviency to 
the appointing power, they dare no longer trifle with an injured 
and exasperated people. In Congress your opposition to the 
establishment of slavery in Kansas, the Lecompton Constitution, 
the addition of Cuba to increase the pro-slavery power, the 
opening of the slave-trade, and the venality of Government offi- 
cers, has had a gratifying triumph in the face of Executive op- 
position. And though this opposition defeated your beneficent 
homestead measure, you have forced upon your opponents in the 
Senate an acceptance of its principles. So doubly armed are 
you in this just quarrel, that your enemies, so far from resisting 
you, are forced to assist in doing the drudgery of your cam- 
paign. Your principles, therefore, through their own inherent 
virtues, have had a practical triumph, though the power and 
patronage of the Government have been in the hands of your 
opponents, and used with every possible effect against you. 
You have labored hard, but successfully ; and if, by the chances 
of the coming election, the candidates of your party do not suc- 
ceed, you can well labor on and wait to behold the confusion 
and disgrace of your designing opponents, however vainly you 
must regret the misfortunes of the ignorant and weak who lend 
support to the very hands that bind them. 

Kansas, by treachery, fraud, and violence, had been opened to 
slavery; you sprang to save her, to save yourselves and the 
North from the disgrace of a craven spirit, that would allow 
the soil of Kansas, once consecrated to freedom by a sacred 
compact, to be tamely submitted to the cold embraces of the 
taskmasters of slavery. Bleak were her then wintry plains, 
repulsive, savage, and murderous the ruffians with whom you 
had to contend, and portentous the frowning opposing power 
of Government ; but you hesitated not at them — sufferings, sac- 
rifices, and defeats could not deter you from your purpose. You 
turned in distress to those you supposed your natural allies 
and friends in the States. Your vain cry was met with rebuke, 



424 APPENDIX. 

that your opposition to the arrogant demands of the South 
must break up the Union, as submission is the only way to 
preserve it ; and denunciations as fanatical "Kansas Shriekers" 
were the response to your appeal from those constitutional cow- 
ards, in whose behalf you were fighting, and who crown their 
baseness by assisting to foist upon you a new and still more 
oppressive administration of the Government. 

You struggled on with a zeal proportioned to the increasing 
opposition, and you have nobly triumphed. It is impossible 
you can again be placed under so many adverse circumstances, 
and the present indications are, that a returning sanity of our 
people will soon show a due appreciation of your position, and 
do you justice. If not, be not discouraged ; as we have shown, 
your candidates may not get office and power, but your prin- 
ciples will have a practical success with the people, and your 
opponents will be placed in awkward confusion with their 
own blindness and folly. 

" Then bear on, though thy repining eye 
See worthless men exalted high, 
And modest merit sink forlorn 
In cold neglect and cruel scorn. 
If disappointment fills the cup, 
Undaunted nobly drink it up ; 
Truth will prevail and justice show 
Her tardy honors, sure, but slow ! 
Bear on, bear bravely on." 

This you will do, and if only to encounter hereafter reverses and 
opposition, you will know well how to deal with them, and find 
a satisfactory reward in the conscious rectitude of your conduct. 

You are told, if Lincoln is elected, you have to encounter a 
catalogue of woes, from the disunion of the South from the North 
and a bloody civil war. You are not to be frightened by what 
must be regarded as an idle threat, nor will you be unprepared 
if it should not prove idle. Your Kansas struggle will prove to 
have been a good school, and the result of it an ominous indica- 
tion of what may be expected in an issue where so many cir- 
cumstances, heretofore in favor of the South, must now be turned 
against her. 

This, the last number of our paper before the election, and, as 
we hope, triumph of our party in the nation, makes these con- 



APPENDIX. 425 

siderations appropriate to this occasion, and in submitting them 
we join with our illustrious patron of the cause of freedom in 
Kansas, and " bow in profound reverence before you, as we have 
never done to any other people — we salute you with gratitude 
and affection." 

November 3, 1S60. 

REPUBLICAN REFLECTIONS. 

The object of government is security against wrong, whether 
arising from our private or public relationship. It is the duty of 
government to guarantee to all its subjects protection from 
injustice and fraud, and at the same time redress the grievances 
of society, and punish the aggressions of lawless violence. 

When a government fails either from impotence or want of 
inclination to secure the rights and meet the equitable demands 
of society, it ceases to command the respect, veneration, and 
adherence of all freemen. 

In a society favored with the wide diffusion of general informa- 
tion, the increased facilities of commercial and social inter- 
course, and the ameliorating influences of free institutions, the 
necessity of a powerful government and strict surveillance is 
obviated. A prompt and ready execution of the laws and vin- 
dication of justice is nevertheless an evidence of a just and effi- 
cient government, and promotive of the happiness and well- 
being of mankind. 

The policy pursued by the last two administrations toward 
this Territory will brand them in the eyes of a discriminating 
nation as weak, hypocritical, and false, while the impartial word 
of history will stamp them with its black broad seal of reproba- 
tion and condemnation. 

The history of Kansas will remain a foul blot on the annals of 
liberty, and condemn to everlasting infamy the vile hordes of 
pro-slavery ruffians who, in 1855, with armed violence and 
impending force, polluted the virgin soil of this, Freedom's fair 
heritage, invaded the polls and struck down the rights and lib- 
erties of free-born Americans, and sought to establish and per- 
petuate a reign of tyranny, oppression, and wrong ; while the 
administrations of Pierce and Buchanan, if they did not aid and 
abet, at least connived at these demonstrations of lawless vio- 



426 APPENDIX. 

lence, will excite in the bosoms of all law-abiding men a per- 
petual lothing and disgust. 

The leading object of the Pierce and Buchanan dynasties has 
been to establish the institution of slavery on a broad, national, 
and permanent basis, and secure and perpetuate the ascendency 
in the Federal Government of an element of power, which, like 
a rapacious oligarchy, is sapping the foundations and absorbing 
the liberties of the laboring classes. 

Those peculiar leading measures of the Pierce administration, 
the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the passage of the 
Kansas-Nebraska Bill, the authorship of which Mr. Douglas 
makes his boast, and which have yielded him the greater por- 
tion of his fame, and which will mark him in the eyes of pos- 
terity as a political intriguer, reveal, when viewed in the light 
of collateral facts and circumstances, a broad conspiracy and 
deep-laid plot to betray, in all the Territories, the constitutional 
rights of freedom. 

Excluding altogether from our consideration the public 
avowals of leading Southern statesmen who have controlled the 
Government during the last eight years, and interpreting the 
spirit and design of the Federal administration through the 
policy which it has persistently and assiduously pursued toward 
its pioneer citizens, we are led inevitably to this conclusion. 

How else can we explain the manifest distaste and strenuous 
ojDposition of the administration, in 1856, to a public investi- 
gation of the outrages perpetrated in Kansas? The greedy 
haste with which a pro-slavery and obnoxious constitution was 
sought to be forced on a protesting and indignant people, and 
the rejDeated refusal by a Democratic Senate to admit Kansas 
with a constitution, the embodiment of her enlightened choice, 
and which, harmonizing with the Declaration of Independence, 
guarantees freedom to all ? 

These acts have been scrutinized by the eye of a discriminat- 
ing nation ; and the spirit of a fearful retribution has swept 
over the party under whose protecting shadow the reign of 
tyranny and violence in Kansas has been continued, and torn, 
and rent, and wrecked and precipitated it to ruin ; while liberty, 
in her mild glory and serene radiance prepares to mount the 
throne of the nation. There may she live, and reign, and sway 



APPENDIX. 427 

this vast Empire till the world shall end, and time's last note be 
heard sounding upon the trumpet of eternal doom. 
November. 10, 1SC0. 



OUK TRIUMPH. 

Thanks to the success of Republicanism in Kansas, we nave 
telegraphs and presses to which we have been indebted for the 
early intelligence of the results of the election, which reached 
us, at this point, about forty-eight hours from the closing of the 
polls on election day. 

Our last week's issue announced the happy tidings to our re- 
joicing readers, that Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Ham- 
lin were, on the 6th instant, elected to the respective positions 
of President and Vice-President of these United States, to which 
they had been nominated by the Republican party in conven- 
tion at Chicago. 

An undeviating purpose — obstinate as it was cruel — to 
subvert the framework of our national policy, and substitute 
therefor a gloomy pile, upon which, and tottering beneath its 
load, the hopes of humanity and the happiness of our people 
were to be sacrificed as a holocaust to slavery, has been reso- 
lutely pursued for the last six years on the part of the advo- 
cates of slavery. Arrogant and domineering in spirit, and, 
through the powers of the General Government, oppressive in 
manners toward the people of the North, they claimed the 
right of rule, to which cowardly commerce and time-serving 
office-seeking politicians lent themselves ; and to perpetuate this 
rule, every resort that art could devise, and fraud and force 
effect, has been adopted to this end. Oppressed through these 
long years of lonely darkness, the cohorts of freedom have strug- 
gled on, to reach, at last, the daylight of deliverance which now 
dawns upon them. Thank you from the depth of our heart, 
beloved brethren of the North. We bow at your feet in humble 
acknowledgment of our gratitude, due you for asserting your 
own and our manhood, unswayed by bribes, unintimidated by 
threats. 

We now rise to our proper level, and, in catching the first rays 
of light and breath of deliverance, our impulse is one of un- 



428 APPENDIX. 

bounded joy, and we have hardly been able to do else than 
indulge our feelings and manifestations of delight. 

But we must reflect that, as we take our new position, we are 
involved in new duties and responsibilities ; and it becomes us, 
thus early, to reflect upon the proper discharge of them, to the 
end that we may justify our promises and the hopes of our race, 
and avoid the errors and follies which have swept the Democ- 
racy from existence, and made the name of it, as identified with 
the corrupt Buchanan, the seceding Breckenridge, and the com- 
pact-violating Douglas, a byword for all that is deceitful and 
unjust. 

Our policy. — Our policy should be to administer this Govern- 
ment with equal justice and honor to all parties of the country, 
and not necessarily, as has been done for many years, in behalf 
of a class whose impudence and presumption correspond to 
their idleness, incapacity, and poverty ; and who, upon the capi- 
tal of a few " niggers " at their command, claim all refinement 
and gentility of society, and a monopoly of the lucrative offices 
under the Government. Pampered and spoiled by these in- 
dulgences, it is this class that has brought us our present 
troubles, to remedy which the Republican party has arisen ; and 
of course it follows that to continue the same policy would 
defeat the purposes of the party, and still further exasperate the 
evils we seek to cure. What most we have wanted is a Presi- 
dent who would do justice to the North, without being swayed 
by a senseless and false clamor that, by so doing, he would fail 
of justice to the South. So sensitive would some of our con- 
ciliatory Presidents have been that, to avoid the charge of being 
partial to the North, they would have neglected to do it justice, 
in order to pacify the exacting and capricious South. This was 
the apprehension concerning Mr. Seward, and this feature of 
his character had much to do toward the defeat of his nom- 
ination. Nor would we indulge in any spirit of retaliation 
toward the South in revenge for the gross injustice we have 
suffered at her hands. Our new President, we are confident, 
understands his mission in these respects. 

He should administer the Government himself in accordance 
with the theory of our Government, and call the heads of the 
respective departments to their jjositions, to assist him, not 



APPENDIX. 429 

govern him, correcting in this respect the awkward position of 
Mr. Buchanan, in which the heads of the different departments 
exercise their functions, and give orders in their own name, 
irrespective of the President, as though an independent power 
therein existed in them. 

The Secretary of the Treasury sends in his report, and urges 
upon Congress a tariff policy the very reverse of that recom- 
mended by the President. We fancy Secretary Cobb would 
have cut a sorry figure, as a cabinet minister of General Jack- 
son, in opposing his views of State policy. 

Mr. Secretary Floyd indicates, irrespective of any known 
views of the President that the matter of Disunion is in his 
hands, and that he is uncertain what is his duty, and how far 
he shall use the force of the army to prevent secession of South- 
ern States, just as though this was exclusively his office, and 
not that of the President. Mr. President Lincoln, the power is 
yours alone — use it ; the responsibility yours — discharge it ; and 
the reward due, either of praise or blame, shall be yours. Do 
not, Buchanan-like, timidly shift upon your irresponsible secre- 
taries a responsibility which devolves upon you alone. 

Slavery. — Not to be disturbed where it now exists, nor to be 
abolished in the District of Columbia without the wishes of 
the people, and then by moderate degrees. 

The Fugitive Slave Law to be enforced in good faith ; the 
present law should not be changed to impair its efficiency in it. 

Slavery is not extended by our Constitution over the Terri- 
tories. On the contrary, they are free in the absence of law 
establishing slavery, and no such law should be made till a 
Territory becomes a State, when she can, if it be the unbiased 
will of her people, that will being expressed without force or 
fraud, provide for slavery, and should not be refused admission 
to the Union on this account. Such we believe to be our true 
policy, and, so far as we understand, the views of our President 
elect. 

Disunion, however, threatens to become a great question for 
the solution of our new President and his party. 

If a State avails herself of the advantages of the Union, she 
should share the responsibilities of it. She grows in jjrosperity 
under the regis of our laws and our protection ; shall she escape 



430 APPENDIX. 

her share of our adversities, arising from war or uejis unavoid- 
ably incurred ? Upon every principle of moral obligation, no 
State can of right withdraw from the Union without the consent 
of the others, but by revolution. 

We prefer discreet measures of restraint and coercion on such 
an occasion ; but we doubt the probability of any necessity for 
them. 

November, 1860. 

PROPOSED AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 

In his late message to Congress, the President, after an elabo- 
rate discussion of the present threatening aspect of affairs in the 
Southern States, and the absence in Congress of the constitu- 
tional power to compel the continued allegiance of the States to 
the General Government, proposes to pacify the slave States 
and perpetuate the Union by a fresh sacrifice on the altar of 
slavery. Mr. Buchanan would have the North bow its knee, 
and worship again the imperious god of negro slavery. He 
would have another exhibition of craven submission to the exact- 
ing demands of ruthless oppression and despotic violence. 

The sway and almost absolute control by the South of the 
Federal Government has been broken, and because two or three 
little States fret and fume, and kick like spoiled children, Mr. 
Buchanau is alarmed. " The grandest temple which has ever 
been dedicated to human freedom — which has been consecrated 
by the blood of our fathers, by the glories of the past and the 
hopes of the future — is about being destroyed, and the 
nation enshrouded in a long night of leaden despotism." " The 
hopes of the friends of freedom throughout the world are to 
suffer annihilation, while our example will be quoted as a proof 
of the failure of the theory of self-government." ' To all these 
threatening and alarming calamities Mr. Buchanan has dis- 
covered a remedy. He would convert this, the grandest temple 
of human freedom, to a huge charnel-house of human bondage. 
He would meet and sustain the hopes of the friends of freedom, 
by fastening more securely on the nation the growing curse of 
oppression. He proposes to demonstrate the practicability of 
self-government by dooming an inoffensive race to hopeless, 
unending slavery, and reducing the majority of a free nation to 



APPENDIX. 431 

a meek, tame, and unqualifying submission of the iniquitous 
exactions of an imperious oligarchy. 

Mr. Buchanan, uniting in himself more sagacity and patriot- 
ism than was possessed by the whole band of our Revolutionary 
sires, has detected a radical defect in the Constitution, a breach 
in the fundamental law of the nation, which he proposes to 
patch over with slavery. Slavery is discovered to be the cohe- 
sive force which will bind these States in fraternal union, while 
the irrepressible conflict must cease, since freedom is to be 
pushed out and slavery shoved in. 

We are to have a final settlement of this question by a new 
construction of the Constitution, giving an " express recognition 
of the right of property in slaves in the States where it now 
exists or may hereafter exist." Also, " the duty of protecting 
this right in all the common territory throughout their territo- 
rial existence, and until they shall be admitted as States into 
the Union, with or without slavery as their constitution may 
prescribe ; together with a like recognition of the rights of the 
master to his slave, who has escaped from one State to another, 
to be restored and delivered up to him, and the validity of the 
Fugitive Slave Law, enacted for that purpose, accompanied 
with declaration that all State laws impairing or decreasing this 
right are violations of the Constitution, and consequently null." 

It might be pertinent to suggest to our venerable President, 
that there have been several final settlements of this vexed 
question already. The Jeffersonian Ordinance of 1784 was 
intended to be final, and while it received at the time the entire 
support of the South the North was satisfied. The Missouri 
Compromise was the next final settlement ; but this not meeting 
the entire demands of the South, Congress, in 1352, to allay 
agitation and save the Union, enacted the Fugitive Slave Law. 
The fourth final settlement was commenced by Mr. Douglas, 
and the Popular Sovereignty dodge was to banish slavery agita- 
tion from the halls of Congress. The lameness of this settle- 
ment having been made apparent on a short trial, the Supreme 
Court steps in and makes a final disposition of the whole 
matter. 

We can but commend the sagacity of the hero of this new 
final settlement. Mr. Buchanan's proposition covers the whole 



432 APPENDIX. 

ground; he would even anticipate the future wants of the 
slave power. " All the South has ever contended for is to be 
let alone, and permitted to manage their domestic institutions in 
their own way as sovereign States." Then why, Mr. Buchanan, 
botch the noble character of our liberties with the foul features 
of slavery ? 
December 1, 1860. 



811 e it o I.I 



THE FOLLOWING IS A LIST OF THE NAMES OF THOSE WHO, IN 

JANUARY, 1861, ORGANIZED SECRETLY FOR 

THE PURPOSE OF 

SUSTAINING THE FLAG 



GOVEKNMENT OF THE UNION, 

AND TO PROTECT UNION MEN IN THE CITY OF 

ST. LOUIS ; BUT MORE ESPECIALLY TO PROTECT THE ST. LOUIS 

ARSENAL FROM FALLING INTO THE 

HANDS OF THE REBELS. 



ROLL OF THE UNION LEGION, 

Organized January, 1861. 

BLACK YAEGERS (RIFLES), UNION GUARDS, CITIZEN GUARDS, 
MOUNTED RANGERS, &C, &C. 

19 



THE ROLL. 



NAMES OF OFFICERS AND PRIVATES. 



CAPTAIN KLEIN'S COMPANY. 

BERNHARD KLEIN, Captain. 
FERD. SCHUEDDIG, First Lieutenant. 
J. PETER LIPPHARDT, Second Lieutenant. 
JULIUS SAUER, Quartermaster. 



ALTENBACH, CHR. 
ADRIAN, FRIEDRICH, 
ALTSCHUL, LEOPOLD, 
ALTSCHUL, CHARLES, 
ABLER, SAMUEL, 
AMITT, PETER, 
BERK, ERNST, 
BECKMANN, CHARLES, 
BRUNO, CHARLES, 
BECHER, JOHN, 
DRUM, CHARLES, 
EWALD, LEOPOLD. 
EMANUEL, N. 
EMANUEL, SAMUEL, 
EVERTZ, C. 
EVERTS, FRIEDRICH, 
FRANCK, GEORGE, 
FLUGEL, JACOB, 
GELZHAUSER, ANDRES, 
GETTLER, M. 
GESSERT, CHR. 
GELDMACHER, FRIED. 
GELDMACHER, KARL. 



GLEICHAUP, J. C. 
GRISON, CHRISTOPHER, 
HEDER, BALTHASER, 
HINTERSCHIETT, JNO. 
HESSE, FERD. 
HEINZE, HENRY, 
HORN, CONRAD, 
HERBY, JOHN, 
HELLER, M. 
HART, ALEX. 
JUNG, CHR. 
JOST, CHARLES, 
KLEIN, LOUIS, 
KOEUNKER, WM. 
KOB, ANDREAS, 
KALTWASSER, F. P. 
KALTWASSER, FRED 
KRAUSE, JOHN, 
KLEIN, ALBERT, 
KLARENBACH, GUSTAV, 
KNOBLAUCH, CHR. 
LEILICH, FRANZ, 
LOEFFEL, WM. 



436 



ROLL OF THE UNION LEGION. 



LANGE, EMIL, 
LORENZ, HENRY, 
MAURER, ADAM, 
MAGNUS, M. 
MONTAG, A. 
MEITHE, E. 
MEES, P. 
MADS, AUGUST, 
MELCHER, GUSTAV, 
NICKERL, FRANZ, 
NITZ, PH. 
NEUN, PH. 
NEUN, CHARLES, 
OEKENFUSS, JOHN, 
ROHS, VALENTIN, 
REICHERT, JACOB, 
ROGGE, HERMANN, 



STARK, DR. C. E. 
STAMM, FRIED. 
SICHER, M. 
SAUER, AUGUST, 
SPENGLER, FRIED. 
STOECKER, ROBT. 
SCHUEDDIG, FRED. 
STOECKER, FRED. 
TRESCHER, GEORGE, 
TRAUER, M. 
TRAUER, A. 
TEMPLER, WILLIAM, 
VOGHT, ANTON, 
VASTERLING, FRIED. 
WODISKA, IGNATZ, 
WIPPERMANN, GEORGE, 
WILZ, FRANZ, 



ROLL OF THE UNION LEGION. 



437 



CAPTAIN OTT'S COMPANY. 



OTT, Captain. 

HRTJDICKA, First Lieutenant. 

NICKERLE, Second Lieutenant. 

J. MOTTEL, Quartermaster. 



BILY, M. 
BAUDA, JACOB, 
BILEK, WENZEL, 
CELERIN, IGNATZ, 
DOLAR, FRITZ, 
HOLY, L. J. 
HAYEK, W. 
KAREL, J. 

KRISTTJFEK, JACOB, 
KORAN, JACOB, 
KONAT, THOMAS, 
LOYDA, ALBERT, 
MACHACEK, JOHN, 
MACHA, M. 
MEYER, JOSEPH, 
MOLLER, W. 
MASSEK, FR. 
POLAK, MATTHIAS, 
PAMISKA, WENZEL, 



PERICHA, JOHN, 
RICHA, MATH. 
STESSANEK, JOHN, 
SWACINA, J. 
STODOLA, JOSEPH, 
SLIKA, JOHN, 
SCHULZ, JOSEPH, 
SISSEK, JOSEPH, 
SERRY, W. J. 
SUDA, A. M. 
SERY, SR. 
TRESCHER, S. 
WODIKA, IGNATZ, 
WOREL, JOHN, 
WESSELLY, EMIL, 
WIRLEL, JOHN, 
WORACEK, WENZEL, 
ZONF, JOSEPH, 
ZIKA, JOHN, 



438 



ROLL OF THE UNION LEGION. 



CAPTAIN ALMSTEDT' S COMPANY. 

MOUNTED CITIZENS' GUARD. 



HENRY ALMSTEDT, Captain pro tern. 



ALMSTEDT, H 
ALFELT, C. 
BLOCK, J. 
BURGER, JNO. 
BERG, NICH. 
BERG, FRED. 
BALZ, WM. 
DECKER, WM. 
FATH, JACOB, 
FLORE, EDWARD, 
GARNEY, THOMAS, 
GLEISSER, WM. 
KEPPLER, CH. 
KOHLER, CONRAD, 
LIPPHARDT, H. 
LAUNERT, CONRAD, 
MAURER, S. 
MARSCHAEL, A. 
MAY, G. 
OKEL, C. 



OTTENAT, JOHN, 
OSTZ, LEWIS, 
POLLACK, T. 
REMHARDT, G. 
REUNEBERG, GEORGE, 
REITH, J. 
REINHART, J. 
RINTZKOPF, J. 
RAPP, FRED. 
SCHEITZ, JOHN, 
SCHLLETE, JOHN, 
STOLL, H. 
SCHAEFER, G. 
SEIBER, JNO. 
STIEFFER, FRANZ, 
SLAWICK, ALBERT, 
SCHNEIDER, M. 
WEBER, B. 
WACKER, JNO. 
WOETHE, JOSEPH, 



ROLL OF THE UNION LEGION. 



439 



CAPTAIN GOERISCH' S COMPANY. 



CHRIS. GOERISCH, Captain. 
GEORGE ZIGLER, First Lieutenant. 
PH. FRANK, Second Lieutenant. 



ACKERMAN, PETER, 
ANHEISER, PETER, 
PENNING, HENRY, 
PLOETZ, JOHN, 
BETZOLDT, CARL, 
BREHM, T. C. 
BALLMANN, THEO. 
BERNNARD, FR D. 
BESK, E. A. 
BEHR, GEORGE, 
BAUSCHNAURT, MICHAEL, 
BALLMANN, VALENTINE, 
BAUMGARDEN, HENRY, 
BISKENBURG, CASPAR, 
BOLDONEN, GEORGE, 
BLORCKER, F. 
BANG, GEORGE, 
BECKER, CASPAR, 
BIEMANN, GEORGE, 
CLUMN, CARL, 
DAUB, JOHN, 
DRASZP, FELIX, 
DAWER, C. 
DOLL, WM. 
DOTTE, ED. 
ECKERT, CHR. 
ENGELMANN, A. 
FRANK, CH. 
FREUKES, GERHARDT, 
FUGLE, F. 



GRAU, JOHN G. 
GOESSEL, AUGUST, 
GEROLDT, E. 
GUTZAHR, E. B. 
GLEISK, JACOB, 
GLEISK, NICH. 
GOERISCH, JACOB, 
GOERISCH, DAVID, 
GIZZIKE, T. W. 
GEISEL, PH. 
HAEFNER, A. 
HAUSER, CARL, 
HOLWEZ, A. 
HARTING, WTLHELM, 
HEISEL, CASSIMER, 
HESSE, HERMAN, 
HOFFMANN, JOHN, 
HAFFTI, THOMAS-, 
HELMN, JOHN, 
HUNICKE, JOHN, 
HUNICKE, JULIUS, 
KLINK, PETER, 
KERNER, T. CH. 
KLEIN, HENRY, 
KLEIN, LEWIS, 
KINNBE, ED. 
KAUFMANN, CHR. 
KUETZEL, A. 
KORTMANN, LOUIS, 
LANDFRIED, JACOB, 



440 



ROLL OF THE UNION LEGION. 



LORENTZ, HENRY, 
LEHM, CHR. 
METTZAU, A. 
MAXWELL, JAMES. 
MILBACH, A. 
MORSCH, ADAM, 
MULLER, A. 
MOHR, LUDWIG, 
MESCHAB, PHILIPP, 
NESSEL, HENRY, 
NAGEL, CONRAD, 
NAX, PH. 
OHL, WM. 
OST, L. 

PETRY, JACOB, 
PETREH, ED. 
PRACH, JACOB, 
RANFT, ADAM, 
REIS, JACOB, 
ROSSEL, MARTIN, 
RASCHER, WLLLIGAN, 
RAUSCH, EMIL, 
ROGGE, HERMAN, 
RUF, STEPHEN, 
ROLFING, HENRY, 
SPAHN, P. 
STOCK, PETER, 
SCHMIDT, HERMAN, 



STETTER, PAUL, 
STOLL, CARL, 
SEINERT, NICHOLAS, 
STUMPF, HENRY, 
SCHNEIDER, PH. 
SCHMAUDT, HARDIN, 
SAUPE, CARL, 
SANDERMANN, GOTTLEIB, 
STOEBER, HENRY, 
STREMMLER, JOHN, 
SEIPP, CONRAD, 
SAUDE, FERD. 
TAHLER, JOSEPH, 
TEUBER, AUGUST, 
VOWENSKEL, JACOB, 
VOLHERS, W. H. 
WINZLLEK, PETER, 
WOLF, GUSTAV, 
WALTER, PH. 
WENGER, JOSEPH, 
WETZEL, JOHN, 
WALLET, JACOB, 
WURSTER, FRED. 
WAGNER, GUSTAV, 
WEISENBORN, CHR. 
WALDEMEIER, CHR. 
WAND, HENRY, 
ZAUER, PH. 
ZIMMER, CONRAD. 



ROLL OF THE UNION LEGION. 



441 



CAPTAIN NIEGEMANN'S COMPANY, 



FRED. NIEGEMANN, Captain. 
WM. ROTERMANN, First Lieutenant. 
D. GRONEMEIER, Second Lieutenant. 



ARAND, D. 
ARNOLD FRED. 

ANDRES, 

AUTON, J. 
ANDERS, C. 
BRUHLINGER, W. 
BRANDLE, B. 
BOLTE, H. 
BLOSSER, F. 
BONIFER, M. 
BUSCHLE, J. 
BASTIAN, J. 
BERNHARD, J. 
BAUGE, H. A. 
BRAUER, C. 
CUNZELMANN, G. 
DUNKLER, F 
DEIBING. L. 
DOERR, G. 
DUNKE, F. 
DUERMEIER, H. 
ELLERSICK, H. 
ERB, J. A. 
FISCHBACH, F. 
FLUGELMANN, B. 
GERAUF, C. 
GOTTELMANN, P. G. 
GOTTELMANN, JOHN, 
GRUND, A. 

19* 



GUTTER, F. A. 
GOEBEL, FRANZ, 
HORST, C. 
HAUSFURTHER, G. 
HUXHOLD, G. 
HEIM, G. 
HERBST, H. 
HALBES, H. 
HUFSHMIDT, P. 
HOFFMANN, L. 
JOBS, J. 
JOST, J. D. 
KLED3STEIN, A. 
KUTZER, H. 
KEPPERT, E. 
KUELL, V. 
KAUFMANN, P. 
KUSSLING, M. 
KRAMER, J. 
KELLER, T. 
KICK, C. 
KOCH, J. 
LANGE, J. 
LAMER, L. 
LIEBLANG, N. 
LUNGENBUHL, E. 
MAHRS. H. 
MACK, F. 
MAHRS, AUGUST, 



442 



ROLL OF THE UNION LEGION. 



MACKES, A. 
MUCKSTADT, J. 
MACKES, H. 
MULLER, W. 
NEUENHAUS, H. 
NAGEL, JACOB, 
NEUSTATTER, F. 
NEUMEISTER, G. 
OBENAUER, M. 
REISSE, WM. 
REISSE, C. A. 
REIGHNER, A. 
REUTTNG, H. 
RUDOLPH, F 
RIO, L. 
REISSER, J. 
ROTERMANN, T. 
RIETH, G. 
SPUHLER, P. 
SALLER, A. 
STEINER, J. 
SCHATZ, M. 



SCHMIDT, H. 
STROH, F. 
SCHUBERT, J. 
SCHADLER, J. 
SCHARTZ, C. 
SCHARTZ, B 
STUPP, P. 
SEYBOLD, W. 
SCHMAHLENBACH, M. 
THOMA, A. 
UFEN, A. 
ULLINS, H. 
VOGEL, A. 
VOLZ, C. 
WOLF, J. 

WLTHROSCH, WM. 
WOLF, CHR. 
WEISS, J. 
WILL, H. 
WESTHUS, T. 
ZESCH, M. 
ZESCH, R. 



ROLL OF THE UNION LEGION, 



443 



CAPTAIN SCHOENFELD'S COMPANY. 



MORLTZ SCHOENFELD, Captain. 
FEED. UNGER, First Lieutenant. 
FRANCIS UNGER, Second Lieutenant. 
LEOPOLD HELMPT, Third Lieutenant. 



ARGAST, SEBASTIAN, 
BOEMER, FERD. 
BERK, FRED. 
CARREL, PH. 
DUEBELWEISS, JOHN, 
DREYER, GEORGE , 
DREYFUSS, JOHN, 
ENGEL, MORITZ, 
ENGERT, SEBASTIAN, 
ESCHELBACH, GEORGE, 
ECKERT, FRANK, 
FAUTH, JACOB, 
FEDERLE, M. S. 
FROHNHOEFFER, AUG, 
GIBEL, EDMUND, 
HORN, ADAM, 
KOENIG, NICHOLAS, 
KAISER, JACOB, 
LENDY, HENRY, 
LEOSCHER, WM. 
MAURICE. WM. 
MAESS, R. 
MUELLER, AND. 



MUELLER, GUS. T. 
METZ, ANDREAS, 
NUSS, HENRY, 
NECKER, JACOB, 
NERKER, JOHN, 
PLEEISH, CHARLES, 
ROEMER, WILLIAM. 
RAAB, ANDREAS 
RUEDI, JOHN, 
SCHNEEWEISS, CH. 
SEINNINGER, STEPH. 
STEINER, PH. 
SCHILLER, GEORGE, 
STRIEHEL, GEORGE, 
STUMPF, CHR. 
SCHMERTHE, THEO. 
SCHREINER, FRED. 
STAPFF, DANL. 
SCHNEEWEISS, WM. 
SUTTER, GOTTLEIB, 
STURBARTH, ADOLPH. 
STEITZ, LUDWIG, 
VOLKMANN, JOHN, 



444 



ROLL. OF THE UNION LEGION. 



MA JOE SCHUTTJSTER'S COMPANY. 



NICHOLAS SCHUTTNEK, Majvr. 



ACKERMAN, JOHN, 
BRAUNS, AUG. 
BAEKER, JOHN, 
BOTTCHER, ADOLPH, 
CORING, F. H. 
CLAUDITZ, HY. 
DIEKHORNER, H. W. 
ECKMAN, CHAS. 
FREUDT, CHAS. 
GULDE, FRANK, 
GROSS, HENRY, 
GLORIUS, WILHELM, 
GOSKER, HY. 
HITTMAN, WILHELM, 
HERR, MAX. 
HAUG, JACOB, 
HARTMAN, FR. 
HERWIG, WILHELM, 
HERZOG, ED. 
HAGNER, CHARLES, 
HAUG, ALEX. 
KOCH. HENRY, 
KOTH, CHAS. 



. LANGENSTRASEN, AUG. 
LIPF, JOHN, 
MORELBACH, CHARLES, 
OBRECHT, FRED. 
OSBURG, CHRIS. 
PROSS, ANDREAS, 
REIN, JOHN, 
SCHADLER, WILHELM, 
SCHAFFER, ALFRED, 
SCHNABEL, ANTON, 
SCHONHARDT, CHR. 
SAUER JOHN, 
SCHOBB, PH. 
SCHWAUTER, ADOLPH, 
VENN, ROBT. 
VALKENET, JOHN, 
VOLLMER, WILLHELM, 
WALTHER, MICHAEL, 
WEIGEL, JOHN, 
WAGNER JULIUS, 
WAGNER, E. F. 
WILCRICPT, HY. 
WERTHEIM, JOSEPH, 
WEIGEL, JACOB, 



EOLL OF THE UMON LEGIOX, 



445 



CAPTAIN PRIESTER'S COMPANY. 



MICHAEL PRIESTER, Captain. 
P. MULLER, First Lieutenant. 
C. "WEISS, Second Lieutenant. 



AURNST, A. F. 
BLOECHER, C. 
BUK, KARL, 
BAUER, W. 
BURKEL, F. 
BRUCKMAUER. 
DREYER, J. H. 
DROWINGER, L. 
DERPP, HENRY, 
EKERT, F. 
FALLER, A. 
GUTGEMAN, J. 
GESSMAN, C. 
HAUSLER, H. 
HORNBACH, M. 
HOFFMAN, A. 
HOERER, J. 
HACKER, F, 
HUCK, L. 
HEIM, GEO. 
JOBS, JACOB, 
KRAUSS, A. 
KOLBING, F. 



KOLBING. A. 
KNELL, V. 
KASTLER, ADAM, 
KAUFMAN, P. 
LICK, FRANK, 
H. LINDER, GEO. 

PATOW, JOHN, 
ROCH, JOHN, 
STAS, C. 
STENDER, F. 
STOENER, D. 
SAUERWEIN, F. 
SAUERWEIN, U. 
SAUERWEIN, C. 
SCHAEFFER, P. 
SCHMIDTZ, L. 
SCHOENEMAN, L. 
SCHULLER, A. 
WEBER, C. 
WEYANT, J. 
WYANT J. 
WILDERGER, J. 
WOLF, LOUIS, 
ZICK, W 



446 



ROLL OF THE UNION" LEGION. 



CAPTAIN DAHMER'S COMPANY. 



GEORGE DAHMER, Captain. 

GUS. BOERNSTEIN, First Lieutenant 

AUG. GUNTZEL, Second Lieutenant. 



ADAM, AUG. 
ALIS, JACOB, 
BUSCH, JACOB, 
BERG, HY. 
BAYER, B. 
BREKLE, JOHN, 
BEYRER, ALBERT, 
BOSSARD, HERMAN, 
DEITZ, FR. 
DEYPLE, CHARLES, 
GOTZ, JOHN, 
GLUCKERT, FR. 
GULDE, FR. 
GERICHTEL, J. 
GUNTHER, W. 
GERICHTEN. P. 
HATER, R. 
HEIZMANN, JOS 
HAHN, JOHN, 
HEMLE, LEOPOLD, 
KRUMHOLZ, JOHN, 
KAYSER, JOHN, 
KESTEN, DANIEL, 
KEEL, WM. 
LIND, JNO. 
LEBERG, MARTIN, 
LEILICH, FR. 
MITTMANN, W. 
MAYER, W. 



METTBACH, ALBERT, 
MAYER, FR. 
MANTEL, C. P. 
MULLER, CHR. 
MAYER, T. H. 
MAIER, P. E 
OTT, CHR. 
REISSE, ERNST, 
RAPP, WM. 
RUEDI, T. W. 
SCHUNK, GEORGE, 
STEINER, JACOB, 
SCHLUMPF, WILLIAM, 
SCHMIDT, MACK, 
SCHAEREFF, CH. 
SCHUSTER, A. J. 
SCHADT, OTTO, 
SUKOFF, J. 
SCHMITT, PETER, 
SIEFERT, E. 
SAUPS, CHAS. 
STUBENRAUCH, CHARLES, 
STOEHR, MARTIN 
STROH, LUD. 
WARNEKE, T. HENRY, 
WALZ, JOSEPH, 
WICHNER, JNO. 
WAECHTER, L. 
WIEDMANN, HY. 
WEISS, GEORGE, 



BOLL OF THE UNIOItf LEGION. 



447 



CAPTAIN SCHMIDT'S COMPANY. 



GOTFRLED SCHMIDT, Captain. 
JOSEPH GER WINER, First Lieutenant. 
JOHN NOLTE, Second Lieutenant 



ABERLE, CONST. 
ANHAUSER, PETER, 
BAUER, H. 
BARTTELT, F 
BOUHNER, H. 
BARDELL, FERD. 
CLAUS, H. 
DAGE, H. 
DEWALD, PETER, 
DEWALD, NICK. 
DATWEILER, JACOB, 
ERNST, GEORGE E. 
FINK, W. 
FIPPER, JULIUS 
FLAMINGER, J. 
FAHLER, A. 
HUEBNER. ED. 
HERKEL, H. 
HINZPETER, F. 
HAMM, HERMAN, 
HOEHL, J. 
HEINZ, A. 
HEHRLEIN, S. H. 
HEMLER, FRANK, 
HANISCH. D. 
HERSCHOMAN, A. 
HAMM, WM. 
HARWIGH, H. 



KAISER, G. P 
KASSEL, FRED. 
KIEPART, A. 
KIRCHER, J. 
KULIN, J. 0. 
LEMMER, J. 
LEHN, A. 
MUECH, J. 
MEYER, B. V. 
MARBETH. J. 
MAIER, M. 
OTT, HENRY, 
POLZER, J. 
SCHMITTER, J. 
SPLETZIG, CARL, 
SCHWEIZER, C. 
SCHANDZLER, TR. 
SCHALLER, J. 
SPEHN, J. 
SOLL, F. 
SCHNELL, H. 
ULZ, J. 
YOGT, JACOB, 
YEDDER, H. P. 
WOHLEHLAGER, B. 
WEBER, WM. 
WIESEAN - , A. 
WAGNER, H. 
ZAHN, FR. 



H105 80 U 







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